nothing could be more faint and hesitating than the whole
of right,"—but unless the opinion is calmly formed first, without the debate, excepting, indeed, Mr. Osborne 's audacious recital any view to ulterior consequences, there is no solid foundation. of the arguments and allegations of extreme partisans as if for the judgment—the whole intellect is turbid and restless on they were unquestionable history, in a speech which, if it the subject. Now, this seems to us the great difference be- were true, would have done something to justify the insurrec.. tween House of Commons opinions on foreign policy and House tion of the Duchies, but nothing at all to justify the duplicity of Lords opinions. The former are not based on any clear of the German Powers, and their invasion of the Duchies on estimate of the law and justice of a case, but are rendered con- principles altogether opposed to those of the revolutionary fused and muddy by constant sidelong glances at the possible party. After Mr. Osborne sat down, the speeches were results, both on the minds of constituents and on the financial nothing but wavering regrets that the subject had been intro- legislation of the country. That such considerations ought to diced and suggestions intended to excuse irresolution,— operate, and operate powerfully in the end, we know. But they speeches which no one could read without feeling thankful operate too soon on the mass of representatives, disturbing both that it is not the business of the House to advise the Govern- their grasp of facts and their interpretation of them. The ment on foreign affairs, but only, whenever invited, to judge opinion of the House of Commons on all matters vitally affect- it,--a very different and, for a representative body, much ing the constituencies, and before the country has declared easier task,—since it does not require an expression of opinion itself, is not a tranquil, lucid, well-matured opinion, but a at all, and will not even involve one, except in cases where fidgetty, fermenting, fearful opinion, half formed of considera- there is a keen interest and conflict of thought on the subject tions which only affect the narrow question whi eh opinion it in the country itself. would be for their interest to settle down into. It has been said Why is it that the House of Commons seems so incapable that the middle classes generally need to have their confidence of guiding the opinion of the country on foreign policy—so shaken in themselves—need, in fact, self-distrust. If so, we much less capable than the House of Lords, for example?' doubt if anything is more likely to give it than represent- We are not complaining of the House of Commons for having ing a class whose views you can only guess at on very a different opinion from the House of Lords, but rather for momentous subjects. On minor subjects, which do not really not having any opinion of its own at all. If there were any affect the constituencies, the opinion of the Commons is lucid and• consensus of feeling in the House of Commons, if there were independent enough ; on grave subjects on which they well any united body of politicians with an intelligible view of the know the views of their constituency, it is lucid though not. question, and the boldness to urge it with as much distinctness independent; but on grave subjects on which they can only as the House of Lords has shown, we should grieve if it seemed conjecture the perhaps still uncertain set or drift of opinion it to us unjust, but we could not argue that the House is almost is neither lucid nor independent. They do not venture to guide- by its very nature ill-fitted to form and guide opinion on such the current of thought ; they are not able to follow it. matters. But just as before the Russian war the only Responsibility, no doubt, gives sensibility to the judgment— distinct notes of warning came from the Peers, and the that is, renders it sensible to very slight makeweights, and Commons were reluctantly dragged into an opinion on the liable to turn at the addition of a feather to either side ; but subject which they never formed for themselves—so it appears as one of the greatest defects of a balance is sensibility with- to be now. On Tuesday night, before the meeting of the out stability,—the liability to constant perturbations without Conference, it was to be expected that the Ministers would the quality of settling quietly down to its final verdict,—so- speak with as much caution and reticence as they could • but the judgment of the House of Commons in cases of urgent it was the precisely fittin,, opportunity for private members, foreign policy trembles far too long before delivering any if they had formed any clear view of England's position and intelligible and final verdict. duty, to express that opinion. It was the very moment when This natural defect of a representative assembly is. a decisive impulse might have been given to the policy of the aggravated again by the fact that the leaders of parties,. Cabinet—when a wavering plan might have been either con- the statesmen who are bound to have a clear opinion, firmed or nipped in the bud—when counsel, for which the and who, if their opinion could guide the country, Government could not ask, would have been really useful to could easily produce a clear opinion, are hampered by the them. Every one knows that the various possible " solutions," representative character in which they in their turn stand to as they are called, of the great European difficulty, must be bub- the parties which usually act with and support them. They bling up in the Cabinet, and undergoing discussion there. "Is are obliged, though perhaps they often exaggerate the Denmark bound and helpless to the mercies of the German whether they can hope to carry their party with them,—if Diet?" "Can England and France propose any settlement short not, to modify their own real opinion, and accept a compromise of complete victory to Germany, which they are prepared to of some sort,--and thus an assembly which singularly needs- support with the sword ?" " Would the division of Schleswig guiding is often left without genuine guides, because the between Denmark and Germany do—with or without the guides cannot persuade their hesitating flocks to follow them on union of the then independent German Duchy with the crown the bold route they had marked out. Lord Grey can speak out of Denmark ?" " Is it possible to save Schleswig entire for his mind simply,—and no other statesman has given so lucid Denmark on a complete sacrifice of Holstein ?" All these and weighty an opinion on the present crisis,—because he questions and many more must be under constant consideration, does not bid for any one's support; but Lord Derby and Lord and a hint from the House of Commons as to how far it was Palmerston have to try the mettle of their troops before they THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON FOREIGN prepared to go in defence of Denmark, or even that it was POLITICS. not prepared to risk anything or sacrifice a penny in its defence, NOBODY, we imagine, who reads with any care the debate would have been a serious aid to their deliberations. But we of Tuesday night in the Commons on the Danish defy any one to make anything at all of the discussion of question will find in it much encouragement to Mr. Hors_ Tuesday night, unless it be that the House needs guidance and man's wonderful thesis, that the Government ought to submit cannot give it, —a mortifying inference for Mr. Horsman. in the first instance to the approval of the House of Com _ It does not deprecate all interference of England in the mons the diplomatic engagements it proposes to contract for matter, which would be an intelligible line, for in its perplexi- the country. No debate could illustrate more remarkably the ties it looks with a dismal sort of hope to the Conference in incapacity of that House to form or lead opinion on a diffi- which we are bound to take the lead and have a plan of our cult question of foreign policy. There was a shambling own. It does not help to suggest a compromise, nor character about the discussion, a discreditable uncertainty of even to support the Ministry if they succeed in suggesting gait, a disposition to wait upon circumstances and hope some- one. It is simply helpless, and gives out a fretful kind of thing more decisive might yet turn up, which might almost quaver which, instead of telling us anything may, perhaps, have been borrowed from the fictitious Prince of Denmark in argue dissatisfaction with the event, whatever the event may feeble compliment to the Denmark of to-day. There was a be,—though probably not that, if once the Government shall grateful catching at the Conference-excuse for delay, like take up a firm and resolute attitude of any sort. Hamlet's catching at the play to test his uncle, in reality No doubt the reason of this helplessness of the House of because it is a plausible excuse for avoiding an immediate Commons arises in great measure from its representative con- opinion, apparently because it held out the hope of giving us stitation. Foreign policy requires above all as its very basis new data for opinion which it cannot and will not give. Again a calm judgment as to the balance of international right and there was anunreal preponderance given to the German view of justice, formed without reference to interests of any sort, and the question, not because itprevailed in Parliament,—the tone in formed without any arriere pensie as to the conclusion in which it was advanced excludes that view,—but because, like which it may land us. It may be quite open to members who Hamlet's faint doubts as to his uncle's guilt, every German- have struck that balance to say, " though the right is on this izing argument is an apology for pacific irresolution. In fact, side, we do not think it a ease in which we ought to defend the nothing could be more faint and hesitating than the whole of right,"—but unless the opinion is calmly formed first, without the debate, excepting, indeed, Mr. Osborne 's audacious recital any view to ulterior consequences, there is no solid foundation. of the arguments and allegations of extreme partisans as if for the judgment—the whole intellect is turbid and restless on they were unquestionable history, in a speech which, if it the subject. Now, this seems to us the great difference be- were true, would have done something to justify the insurrec.. tween House of Commons opinions on foreign policy and House tion of the Duchies, but nothing at all to justify the duplicity of Lords opinions. The former are not based on any clear of the German Powers, and their invasion of the Duchies on estimate of the law and justice of a case, but are rendered con- principles altogether opposed to those of the revolutionary fused and muddy by constant sidelong glances at the possible party. After Mr. Osborne sat down, the speeches were results, both on the minds of constituents and on the financial nothing but wavering regrets that the subject had been intro- legislation of the country. That such considerations ought to diced and suggestions intended to excuse irresolution,— operate, and operate powerfully in the end, we know. But they speeches which no one could read without feeling thankful operate too soon on the mass of representatives, disturbing both that it is not the business of the House to advise the Govern- their grasp of facts and their interpretation of them. The ment on foreign affairs, but only, whenever invited, to judge opinion of the House of Commons on all matters vitally affect- it,--a very different and, for a representative body, much ing the constituencies, and before the country has declared easier task,—since it does not require an expression of opinion itself, is not a tranquil, lucid, well-matured opinion, but a at all, and will not even involve one, except in cases where fidgetty, fermenting, fearful opinion, half formed of considera- there is a keen interest and conflict of thought on the subject tions which only affect the narrow question whi eh opinion it Conference to be a mere dignified mode of handing over obligation, to throw out feelers in order to ascertain. speak, and to disturb and confuse their own real judgments with guesses at the temper of those wbo follow them. Thus the very same reasons which render the House of Commons in need of guidance will often deprive it of independent guides.
On the whole, no one who has noted how, on the eve of great events in Europe, our House of Representatives grope feebly after a conviction,—how they are often just indepen- dent enough to embarrass their leaders, and not independent enough to propel them,—will wish with Mr. Horsman to see the House of Commons consulted beforehand as to its approval of a policy on which it too often considers itself incompetent to judge.
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