ENGLISH POLICY IN THE EAST OF EUROPE.
THE PRESS.
GLOBE—Rumours, though not very distinct ones, of the progress of negotiations anteing the great Powers of Europe, concerning the war in the East, are now cir- cnlated in many of the Continental papers ; and a portion of the attention which was bestowed on it by Englishmen,' before the Catholic question diverted it, is again turned to the same subject. We believe, however, that the exaggerated Views taken by many persons in England, of the consequences to British interests from any issue that can be contemplated of the war between Russia and Turkey, have been very much corrected by time. Turkey, it is pretty clearly seen, cannot Le easily conquered ;—if conquered, it cannot be for ages a source of strength to Russia ; and if it become a source of strength to the conquerors, that strength is less formidable to England than to any other European Power. We are happy to see this change of opinion ; for if there was any danger to be apprehended from the affairs of the East, nothing would so soon prevent an effectual remedy from being applied to it, as an imagination becoming prevalent amongst the Continental Powers that the progress 'of Russia in Turkey was a matter which mainly con- cerned England and English trade—and no imagination can possibly be more false. If the trade of the two countries with England he compared, that of Russia is of much greater importance to England than that of Turkey. The total of the ex- ports and imports between Great Britain and Turkey in the year 1827, according to a return just printed by order of the House of Commons, computed according to the official rates of valuation, was 1,754,021/., that of the imports and exports between Russia and England, 6,828,2291. The Turkey trade with England is, therefore, according to this standard of comparison, about one-fourth part in amount of the Russian ; and, as far as any calculation of commercial advantage is concerned, it can never be worth while to interrupt our peace with Russia for the sake of averting some possible danger to our intercourse with Turkey—an in- tercourse, by the way, which even the entire success of the Russians would not be likely to destroy. England has, of course, au interest in common with the other Powers of Europe in the preservation of that approximation to equality among States which prevents any one from overpowering all the others. But in the growth of the Russian power to this extent, England is the least interested of all the European Pow ers, because it is only through, and as a consequence of, the subjugation of all the others that Russia can become formidable to us. Even this remote danger may not be disregarded by prudent statesmen, but it is not likely to be averted by inculcating the unfounded opinion that we are the very nation of Europe upon whom the task of defendinmt' all the others may be expected to fall.
A clear perception of the real motives of Great Britain and of the other States of Europe, on this question, is the more important, because nothing more than the perfect union among the other European powers, which the absolute identity of their interests as to the 'Turkish question when felt must create, would be neces- sary to cause Russia to agree to any just and reasonable terms of pacification. Russia is not in a condition, even if she were disposed, to resist the combined opinion of all the other great States of Europe. But no prudent :Minister will commit England in any separate measures in a matter in which her separate in- terest is comparatively small, and her separate means of action comparatively inefficacious.
TIMES—A ludicrous disparagement of the effect upon Great Britain, arising out of a conquest of Turkey by the Russians, has been employed to dissuade the British Government from being more than spectators of this portentious war. The whole conflict, with its incalculable results, is looked at in no other light but as a possible preliminary towards interrupting for a time our commercial in- tercourse with Turkey in Europe. The command over the whole eastern portion of the Mediterranean is nothing ; the addition of so much coast of a maritime position and depot so impregnable as that which embraces the entire Euxine to the mouth of the Dardenelles is nothing; the consequent ascendancy over Egypt, nothing; the general aggrandizement and preponderance nothing—with Greece, too, in that case a Russian province! Why then it is needless to urge one ob- jection against any system of conquest by any Power, the most enormous, under any condition or circumstance of human affairs: and the whole policy of Europe for centuries has been childish, when it referred to the usefulness of some sort of balance between States. It is untruly said that England incurs a less prominent obligation than many of the Continental Powers, in resisting the designs of Russia. England is nearer to the scene of action than any of them. Part of her colonial empire is close at hand. Her commerce is present on the very scene ; and what is England herself but English commercial industry ? We affirm, that if England but says peremptorily to Russia, you must not extend your frontier One inch be- yond its present limit on the side of Turkey, other States, now passive or silent, will be ready to echo and to support us. Insist on justice from Turkey to the Czar, defend the real freedom of his slag and merchandise from Odessa to where they launch into the Mediterranean. Let us defend with equal vigour the integrity of Turkey and the independence and sovereignty of the Porte.
GLOBE—It might be advisable for England, in case of necessity, to e ont rib?' le to the defence of Europe. It is only against the notion of making ourselves the champions of those who can much better defend themselves than we can defend them, that we protest. Those who are nearest the flood can best raise the em- bankment against it ; it should be only, at any rate, when they are ready to set their shoulders to the work, that we should join in the labour. This should be our policy ; this we hope will be our policy, for we have seen nothing in the con- duct hitherto of the Duke of Wellington's Ministry to lead us to suppose that it is disposed to err on the side of unseasonable interference in foreign politics.
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