23 OCTOBER 1886, Page 9

MR. BLAINE AND FREE-TRADE.

ALREADY the Democratic and Republican Parties in America are beginning to muster their forces, to set their outposts, and to choose their ground for the next Presidential contest. Mr. Blaine began his campaign in Maine by coquetting with the Prohibitionist Party. He is con- tinuing it through the great industrial districts of Pennsylvania by stirring appeals to the Protectionist spirit. Apparently he is resolved to connect the Republican ticket not merely with the maintenance of the existing tariff, but with an anti- Free-trade policy of the most extreme kind,—a policy based on the notion that patriotism and the welfare of the nation alike demand that Protection shall be upheld, and if neces- sary, increased. It is the old story of the defence of the Corn Laws. " Sweep away the duties on corn, and with them will go the greatness of England," said, and no doubt !often believed, the advocates of the landed interest. "Let in the competition of Sheffield and Manchester," say the equally mistaken, and doubtless equally sincere, upholders of American monopoly, "and you will ruin your own • citizens for the benefit not of America, but of the foreigner." It is interesting to speculate what will be the result of such an appeal to the patriotic instincts of the American people, which, however mistaken we may think them in this particular instance, are nevertheless perfectly genuine. Protection, too, in America has more than the support of interest and of senti- ment. There are plenty of people in the States who see the Free-trade arguments clearly enough, and who admit that Protection means taxing the whole community for the benefit of particular classes. But, say they, " We approve of such taxation. We consider the monotony of employment and of life which Free-trade must. mean would be bought too dear. A healthy social state can only be produced by variety in our industrial configuration. To purchase that variety we think it worth while to impose taxes on the whole community." It would be out of place to point out here the true answer to such a contention, or to show that, as a matter of fact, Free-trade never does kill variety of industry, but stimulates it,—just as Protection never destroys foreign importation without producing a far more frantic and more deadly internal competition ; and that if the American tariff were taken off to-morrow, though existing capitalists might suffer, four or five years would see an immensely increased volume of internal industrial production. To prove that this is not mere theory, we have only to refer to English history. Our great industrial development did not and could not begin till we had given up Protection. It was not till Free-trade had been accomplished that our commercial prosperity began.

If, then, Mr. Blaine can succeed in raising a Protectionist panic, can get himself recognised as the champion of native industry, and can force President Cleveland into the position of apparent hostility to the great monopolists of the Eastern States, it by no means follows that the Democratic Party will, at the next election, gain that success which people in England are beginning to expect. It remains to be seen how far the personal feeling that has been daily growing for the President has actually gene. There is no doubt that at this moment there is no man in the States more popular than Mr. Cleveland. And he has every right to be popular. He has just those qualities which tend to make him a suc- cessful and respected ruler of Englishmen. He is not so much a man of intellect as of character. Yet his mental powers are not insignificant, while his administrative ability has been proved under the most trying conditions. Above all things, he is honest, straightforward, and a man of political principle. This, too, with reason and with common- sense,—as has been shown in his determination to purify the Civil Service, not by a coup de the'citre of sensational reform, but by that sober opportunism which in administrative recon- struction is far more likely to be successful. In his executive acts he has shown a determination to exert the powers conferred on him by the Constitution, which has inspired respect and confidence. He has vetoed more Bills in one year than all his predecessors at Washington put together. As head of the American people, he has so conducted himself that public opinion can find in his life little or no variation from that ideal demeanour of dignity without ostentation which is expected from the President of the United States. Lastly, his marriage with a young and beautiful wife has attracted to him a more than ordinary interest among that vast mass of people existing in every country who are never really touched by political considerations, but who always catch eagerly at a sentiment or at the sense of personal attraction. In short, the American people feel that President Cleveland is a man worthy of them, and they are proud of him. Beyond this, too, the American Press is beginning to point out that the policy of purity, already applied to the Civil Service, is acting—looked at even from a mere party standpoint—as an extremely successful piece of electioneering. The business men of New York City find a very strong argument for supporting Mr. Cleveland in the fact that, as the Nation says, "he has placed the Custom House and the Post Office upon a business basis." When Civil Service Reform means that the two great administrative depart- ments affecting business men in the commercial capital of the States shall be carried on smoothly under competent manage- ment, and not thrown into confusion by the application of the "spoils" system, it wins support other than that of the mere enthusiasts for abstract political purity. In the Custom House, Mr. Magone, the new Collector, has established a rule which, in practice, will guarantee to the subordinates of his department security from arbitrary removal for the purposes of political partisanship. The reappointment of Mr. Pearson at the New York Post Office upon his term of office coming to an end, has been another proof that " the great business institutions of the Government " are to be conducted " upon business principles." We do not believe that the Nation is speaking far short of the truth when it says :—" Not only will the men who voted for him in 1884 do so again with enthusiasm, but thousands upon thousands who two years ago doubted either his purpose or his ability to carry out his pledges, will join his original supporters. Apart altogether from the question of honesty involved, and viewed solely as a means of vote-getting, no shrewder course could be pursued by a President than that followed by Mr. Cleveland in this matter."

Should the struggle of two years hence actually take place over Protection, and should Mr. Blaine be able to get the full support of the anti-Free-traders, the struggle will be extremely close. If, however, Protection is not really made the dividing- line, Mr. Cleveland is pretty sure of victory. For ourselves, we wish Mr. Cleveland success in any event. If he wins with- out committing himself to Free-trade, America will at any rate have kept her best President since Lincoln ; while if he wins on a ticket actively supporting Tariff Reform, Protection will have received a deadly blow. The growth of the American popu- lation means an increase in the inhabitants of the Western States ; and this, in turn, means a development of the agricul- tural interest, an interest which, if it reasons, must always in America be for Free-trade. The South is certainly Free- trade, for its objects are a better market for cotton, and the cheaper living which will come of tariff reductions. A great part of the railway interest, a great number of merchants, and a great many traders interested in ocean transit, do not object to Free-trade. Generally speaking, the number and import- ance of interests that would be materially benefited by Free- trade grows daily. Besides those materially concerned, there is, however, a Free-trade Party actuated by the higher political and patriotic motives, a party that is carrying on an anti- Protectionist campaign with a fire of enthusiasm and an in-

tellectual capacity that call to mind the best days of Cobden and the League. The Free-trade Convention that met a year ago in Chicago listened to speeches conceived not only in the highest vein of economic argument and practi- cal statesmanship, but in words of the happiest and most moving eloquence. The men who conduct the Free-trade agitation in America have • not received the recognition from England that is due to their high courage, their indomitable perseverance, and their unusual mental and political capacity.

This, however, is not to be regretted, since the chief device of their antagonists is to raise the anti-English prejudices of the voters, and to represent the Free-traders as desirous of helping England at the expense of America. The Protec- tionists, indeed, have not hesitated to declare that streams of gold have been freely poured out by the Cobden Club for the purpose of corrupting the. citizens of the United States, and of weakening their patriotic instincts. Thus, words of encouragement, or even any marks of special interest or respect expressed towards them by Englishmen, are more likely to do harm than good, as they would be misrepresented to mean that England had a purely selfish aim in desiring the adoption of Free-trade in America. As a matter of fact, Free- trade in America would ultimately mean the end of England's commercial leadership. At first, there would be a spurt of manufacturing activity. Then healthy American industries would begin to appear and to develop, until the natural advan- tages of raw material always at hand would conquer in 04 competition for the world's purchases, would drive England out of those neutral markets which American Protection has hitherto let us make our own, and would wrest from us also that ship- building and carrying trade that has been another gift derived from the mistaken economic policy of the Great Republic.