IRELAND.

The Galway Advertiser and the Evening Mail both state that "Lord Ffrench has resigned his office of Deputy-Lieutenant for the county of Galway, because Lord Ebrington declined to appoint his son, the Honourable Thomas Ffrench, an avowed and active Repealer, to a similar situation." Under these circumstances, Lord Ebrington was perfectly right in refusing to appoint the Honourable Thomas a Deputy- Lieutenant ; but we must say, to act consistently, all the present Repeal J.P.s and D.L.s ought to be dismissed. We do not like one-sided rules; we admire even-handed justice and honourable consistency, and must regret that the Irish Executive is under the suspicion of sacrificing too much to a false expediency.—Dublin Monitor, April 20.

The death of the Earl of Belmore, which took place at Leamington Spa on Sunday, creates a vacancy in the Representative Peerage of Ireland. Lord Belmore was also Custos Rotulorum of Tyrone County.

It is stated in the Galway papers, that Mr. Bodkin, one of the County Members, will not come forward again for its representation. It is added, that Mr. Redington, the present Member for Dundalk, will be the new Liberal candidate.

A Peer of France enrols himself by his ducal title as a claimant for the franchise, among the notices to register at the ensuing sessions in Limerick—" De ftovigo, Duc, Pery Street, Limerick, freeman of the said city." At the late Queen's Comity Assizes, Chief Justice Bushe broke up the court leaving undecided sixty-seven cases of appeal from the deci- sions of Mr. Schoales, an Assistant-Barrister, by persons whose claim to be registered as Parliamentary voters he had rejected. In two cases out of six that were adjudicated, the Jury disagreed ; in the other four cases the decision of the Revising Barrister was reversed. Some of the persons whose appeal was left undecided by the rising of the court, again carried their claim before Mr. Schoales, at Borris-in-Ossory, on the 2d.

April. One of them, Thomas Bergin, said that he would give 50s. for more of such land as that for which he claimed, and that he made 100/. a year by it. A man, however, swore that 38s. would be a high rent for the land ; although he admitted that Bergin was a good tenant. The claim was rejected again. Another claim preferred by Jeremiah Bergin was rejected in the same way. In the course of the proceedings, the agent opposed to the claims uttered insinuations against the deci- sions of the Jury who had reversed Mr. Schoales's former judgments. Mr. Schoales himself, however, vindicated the Juries, in the following remarkable passage— Ile had been acquainted with the Juries of the county for these eleven years past, and his experience of them justified him in placing the most perfect con- fidence in their integrity and sense of jutsice. For his own part, while any doubt remained, he would not undertake to decide while the law remained in the extraordinary state it is in.

The usual weekly meeting of the Repeal Association at the Dublin Corn Exchange, on Monday, was signalized by the receipt of contri-

butions towards the Repeal-rent from the United States—i®!. in a letter from " The Boston Association of the Friends of Ireland," the proceeds of entrance-fees of the members, who begged to be enrolled as members of the Dublin Association ; and 2001. in a letter from the Philadelphia Repeal Society, composed, the letter tells us, of Irishmen and others who are the friends of Ireland. The former letter was accompanied by a copy of the Boston Pilot, containing an address "to the Friends of Ireland," from the pen of Mr. J. W. James, the President of the Association at Boston, and an American by birth. It is a long historical thesis upon the Union and the necessity of its repeal. Mr. O'Connell observed, that the request of the Boston subscribers that they might be enrolled as associates, could not be granted : the constitutional principle did not allow it. He proposed, however, that a splendidly-bound and gilt volume should be procured, in which the names and addresses of the subscribers should be inserted, and preserved as a perpetual record. He took the letters as proving a very extended sympathy with Ireland in America— The sentiments contained in the letters were not those of isolated indivi- duals. He told the English statesmen that there was one thing demonstrated by the American documents, which was, that they were not the production of one person, but of a country, for no one man could collect such details : the sentiments expressed in them were the familiar topics of conversation amongst others, which proved that the American mind was impregnated with those facts, and that although one section of the people only expressed them, the entire were ready to act upon them. The first of the documents came well from Boston, the birth-place of American freedom, the grave of English tyranny—the spot where English violence first shot down the unresisting Americans—the spot to which the defeated English troops retired in disgrace and discom- fiture, having begun the fight by assassination and ended it by flight. • * Ile was struck in reading the documents with the perfect familiarity with Irish history which they exhibited, the accurate knowledge of the circum- stances under which the country was ruled, the way in which the Union was carried and administered, and the reasons which justified the despair that no relief could be obtained from England. He had been lately taunted for his aspiration with respect to America, and the notion that if England involved herself in a war with America, and refused justice to Ireland, there was no crime in Irishmen keeping their hands in their pockets (Loud cheers.) It had been said that be had a preference for the American,: he did not know whether that was true or not; but this he knew, that he had a preference for the Americans who sent him the documents which they had heard read. He was told that the English people were not involved in Irish oppression : why, what section of the English people ever produced such a document upon behalf of the Irish people as he had received from America?

The Irish Parliament, said Mr. O'Connell, was not dead, it only slept ; "and the crowing of the American cocks across the Atlantic, some of which they had heard that day, would awaken it into life and energy." He then adjourned the ordinary business of the meeting till next day, to do the more honour to the communications from America ; first moving some rather lengthy resolutions, thanking the Americans for their sympathy, affirming the determination of the resolvers to leave no exertions to procure self-government, and never again to acquiesce in "the bigoted, prejudiced, sectarian, and anti-Irish domination of the British Parliament "; without, however, infringing any constitutional principle, or their allegiance to the Queen. The following, the fourth and last resolution, is a somewhat awkward compromise between a free- will offering to American opinion and British loyalty-

" Resolved—That we deem the foregoing declaration the best proof we can give to our friends in America, that we cherish before all things that basis of the British constitution, the Democratic principle, which prohibits any law to be of force that does not originate with, or at least obtain the assent of, the re- presentatives duly chosen by .11the people. Without the spirit of Democracy, governors are tyrants and the people are slaves: with that spirit consists the classification of rank belonging to complicated social forms of government—a classification which may be abused for purposes of oppression, but which may also be preserved, as we intend to preserve it, for the stability and fixity of private property and private rights ; hut which would be unendurable if it were not mitigated and controlled from:excess by the emanations of Democratic liberty."

The occasion so excited Mr. Thomas Steele, that he scandalized his chief by the following piece of profane adulation, worthy of one of Alexander's lieutenants— Scripture had described God to be like the voice of a multitude, or of many waters ; and what voice ever spoke upon earth so like God's as O'Connell's ? (Cheers.) No miscreant should insinuate that he was talking profanely. He did not intend so to do ; but he spoke the language of truth. [Mr. O'Connell expressed his disapprobation of this alleged Scriptural analogy, in a very marked manner, by shaking his head and endeavouring to stop the speaker.] The Repeal Rent is not in a prosperous condition. A meeting of "Repeal Wardens" was called by Mr. O'Connell on the 15th, to receive a statement on the subject of finances. He produced the following certificate signed by the auditors- " We certify that we have examined the accounts of Daniel O'Connell, Esq., M.P., as treasurer of the Loyal National Repeal Association of Ireland tip to this date ; and we find that a sum of 72L 18s Id. has been advanced by Kr. O'Connell beyond the sums lodged in his hands, and that the said sum of 72/. 18s. Id. is now due to him as such treasurer.

"Dated this 14th April 1841."

Here followed the signatures. Mr. O'Connell handed in a return of the receipts since the last report, on the 8th January, which exhibited the following figures— Per the Wardens city Dublin parishes

£69

15 10i

Per the Wardens of trades 5 13 I Amount remitted by ninety-one parishes in counties having Repeal Wardens 867

18 4 From Wardens in England 110 14 4

Sum total paid in by the Repeal Wardens

£568 1

7i

Mr. O'Connell then delivered an exhortation to the Repeal Wardens,. to "exert themselves with redoubled vigour to do their duty to Ireland "—

" On the Repeal Wardens I would impress this fact, that every shilling they send in to our funds represents a man. To the people of Ireland I say, I demand a sacrifice from them. Yes, I confess it ; but what a sacrifice! I want a shilling a man—a penny a month—a farthing a week—while, as 1 have often before told you, I give four weeks for nothing. (Laughter.) This is what I ask from the people of Ireland; and I, in return, undertake to procure Repeal for them. Let no man say it is impossible to obtain Repeal who has not given a shilling to the Repeal Rent. To such a fellow I would say, You, Sir, do not think it worth your while to make the experiment, and hazard a shilling on the chance ; so I will not argue with you on the subject at all: if you think the question worth winning, down with your shilling.' (Laughter.) But if he will not do this, let him at least learn to hold his tongue, and at the same time that he buttons up his trouserspocket set a seal on his lips. If one million out of the eight millions that inhabit Ireland would contribute every man a shilling, we would have 50,0001.: if two millions would so contribute, we would have a sum of 100,000/.; and I cannot afford to do with less than two millions of Repealers. ("Hear, hear ! ") Let me have two millions, and I will win Repeal ; and oh ! is not the prize worth the purchase-money ? IF we had a Parliament in College Green, four millions of absentee-rents now raised in this country, but spent in foreign lands, would be brought back here. (" Hear ! ") Would not that be a cheap bargain ? These are my objects."

The Dublin "Board of Trade" for the encouragement of Irish ma- nufacturers, to the exclusion of English, is much troubled with perverse free-traders : at a meeting of the Board on the 15th, at which Mr. O'Connell was present, one of the speakers, alluding to the silk-trade in Dublin, said— On the 6th August last there were in the Liberty 195 looms ; in six weeks after that date the number had increased to 400; but the impetus which had occasioned this happy change had been of late weakening, and the 400 had now dwindled back to 270, and even that number was not regularly kept going. But even though these 270 were never to be for one hour idle from year's end to year's end, still what of that ? What mattered 270 looms in such a city as this ? Why, that number would not supply silk enough to cover the buttons on the coats of one-half of the population. There should be looms not by the hundred but by the thousand here. It was evident there was something "rotten in the state of Denmark "; the shopkeepers were not taking part in this movement ; nay, they were runn ng counter to it; and be felt convinced, that unless some measure could be devised to open marts for the exclusive sale of Irish commodities, the labours of that Board would eventually almost go for nothing.

The Agricultural Society of Ireland held a general meeting on the 15th, to receive the report of a Committee appointed to prepare general roles and regulations for the Society, and to explain its objects. The following were among the known persons present : the Duke of Lein- ster, the Marquis of Kildare, the Earl of Charlemont, Lord Fitz- gerald and Vesci, Earl of Fingal, Lord Bloomfield, Colonel Crich- ton, Mr. Southwell, Sir Charles Gordon, Sir W. Horte, Sir Thomas Butler, Sir Richard Keane, Sir John Burke. Mr. Peter Purcell, the Secretary, read an elaborate report, which stated that the objects of the Society were—to establish an annual show of cattle, farm- ing implements, seeds, &c. ; to establish local societies ; to form an agricultural museum ; to circulate useful knowledge by means of cheap publications ; and to establish an agricultural library in Dublin. Mr. Purcell announced receipts to the amount of 3,983/. On the motion for adopting the report, it was in part opposed by Mr. Ford ; who objected that politics could not properly be excluded from the consideration of the Society, since the preliminary to all agricultural improvement in Ireland must be to give the occupier security in the tenure of his land ; and the Society, he said, ought to petition the Legislature on the subject. Ultimately, however, Mr. Ford's opposition was soothed down ; and the- proceedings of the iociety suffered no further interruption.

A public meeting of rate-payers was held in Cork Union, on Thurs- day week, the Mayor in the chair, to petition Parliament for certain amendments in the Poor-law Act, limiting and defining the "arbitrary power" of the Commissioners.

Father Mathew's proselytes in Ulster have suffered two aggravated attacks. A Temperance meeting, at Newtown Hamilton, on! the 12th, was attacked by a gang of persons, who fired random shots in the streets, broke windows, and endeavoured to provoke a breach of the peace. The Police were summoned, and they remained on guard a great part of the night. At Lurgan, a large meeting in the Diaper Hall was attacked on the 13th, says the Belfast Vindicator, by "a pack of banded bloodhounds, whose evident purpose was the destruction of some or all of the inmates. Their lust for blood was not, how- ever, to be gratified." The Magistrates eluded the search for them ; but the "calm dignity" of the quiescent Teetotallers and a handful of police repelled the intruders; not, however, before the windows of the hall were smashed, a girl was wounded, and shot was fired. Seven of the rioters were afterwards committed for trial.

Informations were returned to the Quarter-sessions in Longford. against a Magistrate of that and the neighbouring county for felony,. namely, for robbing a gentleman, in whose room he slept at an inn, of four sovereigns. He denied the theft in the first instance ; but on being searched, the money was found on his person. He then acknowledged having taken it, but said it was merely a joke. The gentleman who was robbed, not having been even an acquaintance of the Magistrate in question, did not understand the joke, and proceedings were imme- diately taken. Bail, however, was accepted, and the gentleman was al- lowed to go at large. In the fulness of time the case was called for trial, before Mr. Tighe, the Assistant-Barrister ; but the Justice of Quorum was not forthcoming. Ms recognizances were accordingly estreated, and a bench warrant will soon be issued for his apprehension. Ile is a man of some fifteen or sixteen hundred a year, we understand ; related to a nobleman of high rank in the vicinity, and hitherto particularly remarkable for highflying Conservatism.—Dublin Evening Post.