24 JANUARY 1846, Page 1

NEWS OF / THE WEEK.

ONE of the most important sessions that Parliament ever held opened on Monday ; and the proceedings of the first day took all the world by surprise—even those who expected much from -Sir Robert Peel, for their expectations were outrun by the fact. The. Queen's Speech, of course, did not tell much. It alluded to the foreign topics—the "friendly assurances," "regret," and " hopes" just in the way that might have been lookeetor. The only measures of home politics specifically mentioned were, one to enforce the law against its habitual violation by the assassin in Ireland, and an increase of the estimates, not unexpected, for Military and naval defence. Something beyond, to meet the atened scarcity in food, and to carry out further the liberal finaldal policy of the, tariff, was dimly but imposingly fore- 'shadowed: The Speech whetted, without satisfying, the appetite .1:if expectation.

In the Commons, Lord Francis Egerton rose to move the usual echoing Address, but not merely to echo the Queen's Speech in his own. Lord Francis has long been noted among Conservative noblemen for his vast wealth added to his high station, his in- telligence, his candour : he has now arrived at those years when ambition and the hope of worldly rewards cease to disturb the understanding. Significant, therefore, was his avowal, that on the subject of the so-called "protection" he had altogether changed his opinion—he is a complete Free-trader. Mr. Beckett Denison, sole Conservative Member for the largest constituency in Britain, followed with an avowal of full confidence in the Premier.

Then came the Ministerial explanations; creditable to both the leaders engaged in the late "crisis." Sir Robert Peel's speech consisted of many parts, all of the highest importance. He showed that the accounts of the potato failure were indeed alarming; and that, at a time when he was reviled for apathy and neglect, he and his colleagues were actually engaged in the most extensive, elaborate, and arduous inquiries. Meanwhile, the success of his policy in the changes of the tariff had been oper- ating a corresponding change in his own mind: it had corro- borated arguments against the soundness of the protective policy; he had come to the conclusion that the principle of protection was " untenable," and he resolved to give it up. He would have referred the question and his altered views to another Parliament; but the potato failure came suddenly, precipitated the application of his newly-matured opinions, and at the same time constituted a difficulty which it would have been wrong to evade. He pro- posed to his Cabinet to open the ports • admitting that such a step must lead to ulterior measures. Only three concurred with him, and he resigned. Lord John Russell failed to form a Cabinet ; Sir Robert Peel resumed office; and among his col- leagues Lord Stanley alone continued obstinate in refusing con- currence to Sir Robert's plan. That plan is to be explained on Tuesday. It will probably embrace much more than Corn-law repeal ; but its principle is, that protection is no longer tenable. Lord John Russell was not less candid. There was, it appears, no division in his intended Cabinet about the Corn-laws. Nor did he, it seems, any more than Sir Robert Peel did, intend to propose a naked repeal : there were to be auxiliary measures. He was promised, substantially, the general support of Sir Robert Peel; as he now also promises a general support to his rival in advancing free trade. He admitted that Lord Grey's objection, limited to one point, was made on public and not at all on personal grounds. The stain on Lord John's speech was some invidious allusion to Ireland, and the elements of disorder which Sir Robert Peel has failed to root out. Lord Sohn says that he had in pato a plan to pacify Ireland : what is it ? He should give it to the world ; for never was there a time to propound beneficial measures with a fairer chance of completion. • As yet no plan has been promulgated more comprehensive, or much more feasible, than that of the Times Commissioner.

After a few words from Lord Northland—for that night standard-bearer of the Tory Opposition—Mr. Disraeli appeared as the champion of protection ; the doughty ,William Miles con- senting to act as squire to the political condottiere. Mr. Disraeli has chosen his side well for the campaign of the season.: there are in the party few men of ability to compete with kiln for dis- tinction. He is earning his laurels,—due to his valour rather than his victories, of which he has no hope—by the audacity of his personal attacks on Sir Robert Peel. Mr. Disraeli's speech was, as usual, amusing ; but, thrust forth amid really important subjects, it appeared as impertinently obtrusive as Joe Miller's jest-book on a council-board. The indomitable Sibthorp brought up the rear of the Protectionist forces, and of the debate: for the formal Address 'Hissed without hesitation.

The Peers waived their right to discuss these great topics on the first night of the session ; awaiting to hear what was to be said in the Commons. The Duke of Richmond, indeed, wanted to bring on a discussion ; for he is as unconquerable and as hope- ful of victory as he might have been ten years ago : but he was not suffered to do it. Lord Brougham spoke for and against divers men and things respectively. Lord Ilardwicke, Lord Salisbury, and other Peers, -protested ; Lord Radnor exulted : but the Duke of Wellington was taciturn; Lord Stanley was discreetly reserved ; so, was the Marquis Of Lansdowne; and thus the debate fell flat.

On the whole, the review of this first night's transactions is more than cheering. In financial matters, at least, what passed is calculated to consolidate the real Liberal party. It is still more calculated to supersede mere party alliances, and promote the approximation of those: who have been antagonists. There is now less difference than ,ever between the Conservative and the Whig leaders ; both having advanced from their original posi- tions and met on common ground. Both have shown a generous disposition to waive minor differences and to cooperate for objects greater than the triumphs of faction. Lord -Francis Egerton, and others in both Houses, are signal instances of the same separation from old party alliances and the drawing together for really good work in the service of the country. To those who have persisted in judging of Sir Robert Peel by the mechanical rules of party—who have refused to study the character and peculiar mission of the manz-his speech of Thurs- day night will furnish matter for new surprise exceeding all former Avonderments. It would indeed be difficult to find an historical parallel. The " inconsistency" with former positions in the Minister's career is_undeniable. He may say that, if he has been inconsistent, so has England been,—the country which once dealt in slaves, and now heads the crusade against slavery ; the country which has successively maintained commercial ex- clusion, reciprocity, protection; and now free trade. Sir Robert Peel in fact belonged to the party which adhered to the tradi- tions of the past: he has come over, with many of his party, to the present. He has been the instrument for bringing up a vast arrears of opinion. That is. his "inconsistency." -Sir Robert Peel acknowledges that others, proceeding by abstract reason and a priori argument, have anticipated his present conclusion, to which he has attained by the slow process of practical and personal observation. He must try a thing, tangibly, and must do it himself, before he fully appreciates it. lie was prepared to support his rival, even with some allowance for different handling of the measure. He makes no attempt to borrow undue excuses from the "emergency" of the po- tato failure. There is no unconstitutional parade of the Royal predilections, whatever these may -be; idle- deprecation of

being supposed to "follow the League." The statesman has laid bare his whole case before Parliament, neither shielding his past errors nor claiming exorbitant credit for now repairing them; but bent solely on helping to carry out a real service for the nation. Taking into account all the " inconsistency," all the practical rather than theoretical bent of the statesman's mind,

which many would consider the inferior quality, all the some- what cumbersome process by which he gets at his end, we cannot but admit that there remains more of true greatness than it has for many a day beenthe fortune of England to witness in her public men.