24 JANUARY 1874, Page 7

THE " QUARTERLY " ON THE IRISH LIBIRALS. ITHE Quarterly

Review, which, like most other Conservative _L organs, is becoming very much subdued in tone, as the possibility of a Conservative majority at the next general elections begins to seem a probability, devotes its strength this quarter to describing, with all the sarcasm of which the noble author to whom the paper is attributed is a master, I the difficulties which Mr. Gladstone has created for himself, by what the Reviewer calls the policy of rewarding the Irish for rebellion. He points out, with a good deal of force, that the Home-Rule cry, unreal as it is, is not " a trump card, with which those who hold it can ever win a trick from an anta- gonist," but is "a most treacherous card with which to force their partner's hand ;" in other words, that "so long as things go smoothly in Downing Street, and large instalments of excep- tional legislation are obtainable, Home Rule will be allowed clans, has greatly increased the range and sanguineness of Irish clearly contrary to the evidence of his Irish administration imagination, and no doubt confirmed many of the ignorant than this absurd assertion. But it may be fairly admitted constituencies in the notion that Irish violence, though unsuc- that, for a time at least, the Irish Liberals, with that tendency cessful and sternly repressed in its external form, is likely to to exaggerate the probability of getting what they wish which be fruitful of Irish boons. We do not believe that the Irish Celtic populations so often show, will ask for more unreasonable representatives have ever shared this last delusion in the concessions, and be more sanguine of obtaining them, than faintest possible degree. On the contrary, they know well they would have been without the experience of the first years that it has been this policy of justice in Irish matters which of the present Government. What is the consequence ? Why, has alone reconciled the English Liberals to a policy of stern very likely, that they will do again what they did last March, repression towards agrarian crime, and towards those excesses and play into the hands of the Conservatives, in their wrath at of the Irish Press which render a steady government of Ire- finding that the Government which has done so much that land so difficult. Whatever illusion, therefore, Irish con- was right and reasonable for them, will not do what is stituencies may cherish as to the political advantages of wrong and unreasonable. But is that any reason for rebellion, none know better than the Irish Liberals that it was anticipating, as the Quarterly Reviewer kindly does, that not rebellion, but the historic injustice which partly excused the Government will yield ? They did not yield an inch rebellion, that procured them the great measures of this on the Irish University question, though they did not, as Parliament ; and that the less the English Liberals can they ought to have done, insist on their resignation being reproach themselves with any share in that injustice, the more accepted. As far as we know, they have never yielded on determined they will be to put down rebellion, if it shows any Irish question to pressure of this kind. The more de- itself again, with a firm hand. Whatever the ignorant masses pendent they are on the Irish Liberals, the more positively of the Irish constituencies may expect from threats of force, they must, and we believe will, resent the attempt to con- the Irish Liberals know that nothing is more certain to defeat ciliate them by concessions of principle. With but a small their political ends. The Peace Preservation Act could hardly majority, they ought to seize the first opportunity of showing have been passed by such a Liberal Government as this at all, the Irish Liberals that though they can upset the Government, had not that Government been able to boast of making a serious they cannot squeeze it into weakness. And that is, as we and concentrated effort to meet the just complaints of Ireland believe, what they will do. And then the trial of Conserva- in a spirit of large and prescient statesmanship. It is the same tive honesty will begin, and we sincerely hope may be equally with the Irish Administration. The Quarterly Reviewer is satisfactory in its issues. uncandid enough to anticipate that the Fenian soldiers who But this aspect of the matter the Quarterly Reviewer are still under punishment will be liberated, as a last effort to naturally ignores. It suits him to anticipate that there will appease the discontent of the Irish constituencies before the be a period of absolute repose in Ireland, " a repose which general election. The Irish Liberal Members contemplate can be enjoyed only under an Administration that can afford nothing of the kind. They know that the merely political to be firm as well as patient, and which does not depend for offence, bad as it was, was let off with easy punishment, its existence on the moderation of Irish agitator's and their because the Liberal party were convinced that there have nominees." We do not believe that any Government has ever been in Irish history great excuses for disaffection ; but been so " firm as well as patient " in Ireland as the present they know, too, that this excuse has no application to the case one, so resolute in applying the severest remedies to anarchy, at of the soldier who has voluntarily enlisted in the British Army the very moment that it was conceding the ample justice which and then broken faith. The very fact that the Liberals are was to undermine anarchy, so firm in distinguishing between justly lenient to the former offence makes them firmer in their the leniency which was just, and the leniency which would to remain in abeyance in Ireland ;" but that so soon just severity to the latter. The Irish Parliamentary Liberals as the exceptional Irish legislation stops, " Home Rule know all this intimately. It is not they who look for weak- may be rapidly expanded almost to any magnitude ness from the Liberal Government. They would be much which the wire-pullers may order." And his moral is, more likely to hope for it from a Conservative Government, that if Mr. Gladstone obtains a majority after the next which, because it would have no courage to redress long- general elections to which a large number of the exist- established wrong, would be liable to a far stronger tempta- ing sixty-four Irish Liberals shall prove to be essen- tion to deal weakly with popular crimes. We have no hesitation tial,—and we may grant at once that this can hardly be in asserting, then, that however many false impressions the Irish otherwise, even if the Liberal party retains its majority at people may form as to the political uses of rebellion, the Irish Par- all,—the Home-Rulers will be in a position to render the liamentary Liberals know better. They will never attempt to situation quite untenable to the Liberal Government, or else play on the fear of rebellion while a Liberal Government is in to dictate to the Prime Minister a policy which will secure to office. And though we do not doubt that their imagination has Ireland, through Imperial legislation, many, if not quite all, been overheated, that they have been rendered far more san- the results for the sake of which they profess to desire Home guine of the eventual success even of impossible and mischiev- Rule. And of course the Reviewer is very sardonic and one projects like Home Rule, through the almost incredible very impressive on the difficulties of a Ministry thus triumphs of 1869 and 1870, none know better than they dependent for its existence on its ability to conciliate a party that unless they can establish,—what, though they will not which, according to the Reviewer, Mr. Gladstone's policy of believe it, they can never establish,—that Home Rule would governing Ireland by Irish ideas ' has brought into existence. not weaken the Empire, they might, with even more plausi- Now as there are sixty-four Irish Liberals in the present Parlia- bility, ask the Conservatives rather than the Liberals to concede ment, and the Home-Rulers count on the great majority of it. It is not that party that has given such substantial proofs of them, if not all of them, as adherents of Home Rule in the next its desire for imperial justice which will allow itself to be threat- Parliament, it is perfectly obvious that should Mr. Gladstone ened into an act of imperial cowardice. Mr. Disraeli, eager for have a majority at all, it cannot be a working one without their an accession of strength from the Liberal side, would be far more firm adherence. Indeed, this is already true. Even if the Liberal likely to coquette with the Home Rulers, if he could anyhow majority has not yet, as the Quarterly maintains, dwindled make such a course palatable to his Irish Conservative allies, than down to 68, it has long been practically dependent on the Mr. Gladstone, strong in the sense that he had obtained from loyalty of the great majority of Irish Liberals ; and even in the Imperial Legislature proofs of impartiality which rendered the first days of its power, a desertion en bloc of the Irish the demand for a local Legislature unjustifiable as well as Liberals to the opposite side would have resulted in a dangerous.

defeat. Nay, there has hardly ever, if ever, been a Of course, the fact remains that with but a small majority, time since the Reform Act when the support of a ma- an unscrupulous combination of Irish Members will, at any jority of Irish Liberals was not essential to a Liberal time, have the power to turn out a Liberal Government. And Government. Ireland would be very ill represented in Parlia- no doubt this is an evil,—an evil not of to-day or yesterday, but ment, if it were otherwise. It needed no Conservative magi- which has been felt ever since the Emancipation Act. We cian to tell us that. The charge, however, that Mr. Glad- deny that Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy has made it greater ; stone, by inspiring the Irish with hope that their most we believe that it has made it substantially less. Of course, the extravagant demands will be conceded under the influence of Quarterly Reviewer repeats the old gross misrepresentation that terror, has made the situation worse than it was, and the im- Mr. Gladstone, in recommending for Ireland a policy which plication that the Conservatives are independent of the Irish has long obtained in Scotland,—that is, an accommodation of difficulty, is one deserving closer attention. our policy in all strictly local matters not affecting the Im- It is, no doubt, true that Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy has perial interests to local wishes,—has estopped himself from made the politically impossible seem possible to Irish politi- firm resistance to disruptive forces. Nothing can be more have been cowardice. But how can the Conservatives afford to be independent of "the moderation of Irish agitators and their nominees," unless they command a strong working majority without the need of any policy of Liberal conciliation ? And what is the chance of such a result of the elections as that ? For our own parts, we should greatly prefer such a result to a close balance of parties. It would be far fairer to the Con- servatives, far fairer to the Liberals, far more desirable for Ireland, far wholesomer for England, that a strong Conservative Government should take office, than that a weak one should succeed to power. But difficult as it is to anticipate a strong Liberal majority, it is far more difficult to anticipate a strong Conservative majority, as the result of the next general elections. The chances are that there will be but a small majority either way, and that whichever way it is, the Irish Members willihave more influence to upset or to sustain, than in any Government for some time back. For our own parts, we think that experience proves the danger of such a contingency to be greater for the Conservatives under Mr. Disraeli, than for the Liberals under Mr. Gladstone. The genius of the Catho- lic party is Conservative, though by the accident of persecu- tion it has in Ireland been made Liberal. Mr. Disraeli knows this well, and will have little difficulty, in spite of the Tory horror of the Roman Church, in manufacturing opportunities for a rapprochement. Whenever that comes to pass, we hope the Tory organ and its political prophet will not forget the virtuous counsels which are now pressed so scornfully on the Liberal party.