MARGINAL COMMENT
By HAROLD NICOLSON
THE lapse, one might almost say the collapse, of the Conference of the Foreign Ministers in Paris is a disquieting event. The Russians seem to be adopting the Oriental method of diplomacy which was known in my younger days as a "bazaviik." They begin by advancing fantastic claims which they cannot seriously expect to see realised ; they then represent the surrender of these claims as a magnificent gesture of benevolence entailing corresponding con- cessions on the part of others ; and they then seek to persuade their admirers that the failure of the conference was due to the fact that their own conciliatory spirit was broken by the intransigence of their Allies. Our own long experi mce of such methods has taught us that the only attitude to adopt is one of unwearying patience com- bined with firmness on essentials. We have learnt that it is useless to argue about the rights or wrongs of such pretensions, or even to seek to penetrate the motives which inspire them ; we have learnt that, whereas it is profitless to examine what may, or may not, be at the back of the Oriental mind, it is necessary to make it abundantly clear what is at the back of our own mind. The difficulty in dealing with the present situation is that, whereas on the one hand the Russian methods are backed by formidable physical power, there exists on the other hand no firm agreement between the Western Powers as to what in fact are the essentials upon which they must insist. Mr. Ernest Bevin for his part has displayed admirable skill, consistency and strength ; we are fortunate indeed to be represented by a man of such power and resource ; but the fact remains that the Russians possess unity. of command and intention whereas the Western Powers constitute a somewhat uncertain Coalition. Funda- mentally the issue is a conflict of principles ; and it is thus unfortunate that the admirable principles enunciated in the Atlantic Charter have either been forgotten or are not invoked. The Russians can support their methods by ruthless efficiency, which must always make a certain appeal to a chaotic world ; but our own principles, although per- manent, remain obscure, and even the sweetest liberal sentiments appear unimpressive to exhausted people who long for finality, discipline and bread.
We represent in Europe—to a more durable and immediate extent than the Americans, to a simpler and more forcible extent than the French—the principles of Western democracy. Our doctrine, and it is a potent doctrine, is the opposite of all totalitarian doctrines ; what we lose in efficiency and order we gain in human values ; it is thus important for us to practise what we preach. We do not today possess the physical power to impose our will upon the peoples of Europe ; but we do possess enormous moral power which, if rightly used, will give us the willing co-operation of many millions. We must realise, however, that these millions are physically and spiritually prostrated, and that in their utter exhaustion they may prefer the certainties even of a harsh totalitarian system to the indefinite exhortations of a system which appears unable to function and uncertain of its own formula. Thus when we continue to compromise upon the principles of the Atlantic Charter we are not merely making sacrifices, and very dangerous sacrifices, which will prevent a stable equilibrium in Europe ; we are losing the main power which we possess, namely, our moral influence. And when we ourselves behave in a manner which is patently unjust, we play into the hands of those who raise the old cry of British hypocrisy, and who are delighted, by overt or whispered propaganda, to convince the unhappy peoples of Europe that our policy is wholly empirical and selfish, and that again and again we violate in the most flagrant manner the principles which we pretend to champion.
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I should cite as an example of this tendency on our part not to practise what we preach our present policy, or more accurately our present absence of any consistent or avowed policy, in regard to the German prisoners of war who still remain in our hands. Some months ago there were approximately 222,000 German prisoners in this country, some 97,000 in British hands in the Middle East, and
some further thousands detained in British camps in Belgium and Italy. Since then the transfer of prisoners to this island from the United States, Canada and Belgium has brought the figure up to over 300,000 ; before long a figure of 400,000 may be reached. Of the 2,500 known anti-Nazis who were classified for repatriation, only about 340 have actually bmn sent back to their homeland. It now seems (if we have correctly been informed of the decisions of the Paris Conference) that even a preliminary consideration of a Treaty of Peace with Germany will not take place until November nth next. Thus almost half a million German prisoners will be retained behind barbed wire, in this country alone, well into the coming winter. I am aware that this is in accordance with the letter of the Hague and Geneva Conventions ; prisoners of war are not released by the victorious Powers until a final Treaty of Peace has been negotiated, signed and ratified. Yet at the present rate of progress it would appear that no Treaty will be concluded until two years have elapsed since the signing of the Armistice. The Italian prisoners, it is to be hoped, will, under the revised Armistice conditions now to be drawn up by General Morgan, be released within the next few months. The German prisoners will remain on indefinitely. And although human nature can sometimes tolerate even cruel delays, it is hard indeed to withstand the long pressure of indefinite and unexplained delays. No German prisoner today has any conception whether his imprisonment will last for one year or two. A convicted criminal is not subjected to such mental torture.
It is not to be expected that these men, when they eventually return to Germany, will be convinced or convincing missionaries of the democratic faith. But a little prudence, a slight effort of prevision, the faintest touch of ordinary human compassion, might prevent them from returnng as living witnesses against our cause. Such prudence, such foresight, such compassion are not apparent in the policy of His Majesty's Government. No statement has ever been vouchsafed to them as to the date at which they may reasonably expect release. Some attempt has, it is true, been made to separate the Nazis and the non-Nazis into different grades of " Whites " and " Greys " and "Blacks." Among the 20,000 odd men who have been classified as "Whites," or anti-Nazis, there are many who have been in Nazi concentration camps or who were drafted into the infamous 999 .division, which was a penal unit employed by the Nazis in Africa, and in which Social-Democrats were mingled with convicted criminals. Men who have been classified as good Democrats are, however, only repatriated if they possess certain special qualifications which render them useful to the Control Commissions ; the rest remain ; nor are they segregated into special camps or given the preferential treatment accorded to Italian "'Whites." The morale of the prison camps has recently been envenomed by the large influx of prisoners from the United States and Belgium: the former were assured when they em- barked that they were being "sent home," and their subsequent disappointment was rancorous ; the latter had suffered much while in Belgium and became centres of resentment. In many camps, more- over, it has been found convenient to entrust the maintenance of discipline to German N.C.O.s, who, having been conditioned by the Nazi philosophy, are all too ready to adopt Nazi methods. And even those prisoners who have been specially selected as suitable for "education" in democratic ideals are, after the completion of their course, sent back to the camps from which they came.
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It is wrong that we should treat human beings in this manner while proclaiming aloud our belief in the sanctity of human values ; but it is more than wrong, it is blind and stupid. There are three things which should be done immediately. A statement should be made in Parliament as to the probable length of their captivity. Men in the "White" and "Grey" categories should be given preferential treatment similar to that accorded to the "White" Italians. And all proved anti-Nazis, irrespective of their technical qualifications, should be repatriated at once.
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