The Leeds .Mercury of this morning publishes, and powerfully sup-

ports, the following address front Sir William Molesworth to his con- stituents, deprecating war with France, and urging them to call a public tueeting for the promotion of peace.

TO THE INHABITANTS or LEEDS.

rowI n , 10th ()ember 1840.

'' Fellow Citizens—In the prjsent alarming state of our foreign relations, it is

• Df importance that a representative and his constituents should clearly under-

-stand one another. I address yon, therefore, for the purpose of ascertaining your views, and of submitting to yott my own.

" An European war SeellIS imminent. Calculate. I beseech yon, the conse- quence: of such a war,—the destruction of human beings; the injury to our ',commerce and manutlictures, poorly compensated by equal injury to our ad- versary ; the increase of taxation its this country, already overburdened by debt—the monetary derangement—the increase of misery amongst our work- ing-classes ; the stimulus given to the vilest feelings of nati mal anim o,ity and.

hatred, which another quarter of a centary will not allay. These, and an infi- nitude of other consequences, eqoally abhorrent to the feelings and reason, will ' ensue from an European war.

" I do not deny, that there may be great and noble objects, for which it might well become a mighty and civilized netion to draw the sword, and where the justice of the cause would outweigh every other consideration. Bat do such objects and motives exist at present P For what are we about to contend ? Is it to defen I free institutions?—to resist tyranny or agrossion ?—to spread freedom of conscience and thonght ?—to overturn the oppressor and succour the oppressed ? No; nor for any other inducement which common sense or a mo- ment's reflection can justify. For what then, I ask, have we incurred the chance of an European war and half unshe idled the sword ? I reply, that it its for the purpose ofdetermining which of two senii-barharians shall po,,se,.: a few leagues more or less of territory—whether the Salton or the Pasta of Egypt shall misgovern Syria, or some portion of Syria, or posse=s some miserable fort in Asia Minor. Gracious Gou ! what know we, what care we, about such disputes? What conceivable interest have we in them ? What right have we to meddle with the domestic concerns Cl the 0:tomau Empire? I put these questions to all men of plain and common understanding, and ask for a straightforward answer. Are W.! going to w.ir to paitect our commerce ?— The expense of the sum ilLst war will fir exreed the fee-simple of our trade with Syria. Is it to pr :vent theifmssiamt fro:A Coastantinople?—Why, then, have we separated our,ilve: fro:It the ially rover ..vhich has an equal in- terest and desire with ourselves to stay the progress of the Northern barbarian P Surely, a stranger or ;Lbserder mole of elicit:ring c)hk•et could not have been devised, than that of renouncing tio• alliance of Frince. Is it, as it is said, to prevent a European war, which it k supposed might at some future period ensue in consequence of some dissiandon between the Sultan and the Pasha of Egypt ?—In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the personal quarrels ot a mmarch, the offendecl dignity uf a favourite courtier, or the in- jured vanity at' a harlot, were sefficient ese-e: f.); a Earopean war ; but it is reserved for the wis.ban of England in the nineteenth century to go to war to preserve peace.

" call then upon you, my constituents, as men of sober sens.i and calm judgment—as deeply interested in the preservation of peace sod tranquillity— as advocates of free trade—as opponen:s of brute fore—as wishing for the su- premacy of reason in international as well a: do:n:sti.: aloirs—to come forward and declare yourselves against this useletis interferei.eit in concerns which are not our OW11. It' your great and pro qi,Tons city set tte example, you will be followed by the other commercial communities of England. Your words will be heard across the Channel, and hailed with satiefaction by our neighbours. The rational and peace-loving nemegst the French, who doubtless constitute the majority of dint nation, will resp,md to your cry; and, fortified bv your example, will he able to put down tho turbulent spirits, who are eager for war and confusion as the only possible means of realizing their insane fancies. "Let the two nations ot France and England, disregarding the blunders of either Government—despising the chicanery of diplomacy, and the tricks and. intrigues of factims—addiv-is one another as friends and wellwisher;. in the simple and eoergetic language ot truth. Let its 'ay to them-6 e, England and Franee, are at the head of European civilization. the first notions in the sciences find arts, with similar institutions, an equal his of liberty mal g.00d

government, and when united unsurpassable in power. We have the Same interests, the same wants, the sante ditties to perform towards the liaman race. Let us then be friends, and friends for ever. La us treat as mutual enemies all men who attempt to souv dissensian and discord between us.' Let such ba our instructions to our Representoives, and such the language of the House of Commons and the Chamber of Deputies. " In tine, I entreat you, my constituents, to take the first step, by calling a public meeting to declare your aversion to aoy interference in the affairs of Syria, and your earliest desire for a cordial friendship between England and France.

" I have the honour to ho your obedient servant,

WILLIAM MOLESNTORTH."

In supporting Sir William Molesworth's prop-vitt sn fir t peace- demonstration by the Englsh public. the L. .:.!--,:a.res—" It is manifest, that both the great ends pc -; y :r

namely, peace in Europe and security it lizeinent,

would be saeritieed by a war with Frane:.. A :::iret.re I: is :hat iv think the people of England ...yould 6.1vemineat in favour of peace. The present moment scems i ighiy favourable for such a manifestation of public opinion. Nei: her 1 cIt ee nor the Allies have yet taken any stop that irrevocably corunCes them to war with

each other. The Froneh Chambers hare OCT yk.t 'cmcbed. The last note of the French Prime 3lieister is pecit' A 1 s hive con ;tiered

the coast ()I' Serie, but they have done nothi .; di. cc the Egyp--

thins out of the interior; nor slo we sec that IH'y (..:1ct that

object. without a step that would insure a ge tc I wAr. I.. Ice march of a Russian army. Are not affairs in that position Wit. c cc, i French mediation between the Allies and .Mehtene; All. a eaSe

in Syria might be agreed to? The Alliee have es s:rength,

but they have also seen that it is not eqn.d. W1:11,7 .in.1 dan-

gerously-extended operations, to the full a000nt-,1:-Innent of their end. It would surely be no dishonour to Enzi.in I :171:1 time Al'ics to express

agnin to Prance their wish for a pacii; arr.ri t.•;;;..-lit. If our (.1.)vera- ment is not willing to take such a step. the express: cc :f pccllsc opinion

might millse it wildinz. There is no party in the svlic do not

feed that it would be au unspeakable disgr.ace an.1 , nay. an in-

famous einlno, it Europe should go to war a'' that line of

demarcation in Syria.- Yet that dis,ereee an eee heeece; over US: the nations may be arawn by privie and.

of that crime. Our opinion is. that tho ,•: I. o.:s itself great credit, and would render a service to ' to the

Queen and her Ministers its abhorren, e w.ir, ti.,

of a war with our nearest neighbour ai.„ li-

borty and eivilizatis‘n concvrning a 1:''o of r

sire to enItiyate friendly n.l.isions ..1,7

already so important to us, and is Ili, to bces,:n, and mutually advantageous ; and by en:reatin,r Is . S ,VOTTI■ mem SO to act as to preserve to the , c. rv 0:10 -c :5 of peace. This is no party quest:ion, 'on: one

of their country. all friends of pose: ' I es:, may cordially unite. ' Blessed are the peace-makers : '