24 SEPTEMBER 1859, Page 16

INJURIOUS PROLONGATION OF THE STRTICE. ALTHOUGII " self-interest " is

supposed to guide men, and does

when they think about it, temper governs them much more con- stantly, or we should see half the disputes which obstruct indus-

try and diminish the wealth of the community given up before the week is over. In the still continued war of the Building Trade, if the masters—and the remark applies in some degree to the men—could lay aside the influence of their own temper, they would close the strike summarily, and " turn over a new leaf on Monday next." There is a half inclination on both sides.

We challenge denial of our statement. Many of the masters hold " the Declaration" to be absurd ; a large number of the men disapprove of mixing up the questions of a limitation to the hours of labour with the amount of wages.

It would be far better then if all parties were " to let bygones be bygones," and to recommence afresh ; treating any questions between them frankly, but mixing up no two questions with each other. We have seen a remark that the claim for the reduction of the hours of labour to nine is absurd, and as a proof is mentioned the claim of the journeymen bakers for a reduction of

their hours to twelve. The cases, however, are not parallel. In the winter season, the working builder is summoned to his daily

toil before it is light; sometimes the very temperature hinders the

progress of his industry; and he sees, in the most practical way, that a better distribution of the hours of work would diminish

his discomfort and expedite completion. We believe that the great obstacle to a rearrangement is, not the disposition of the more wealthy and independent masters, but the practice which has grown up amongst the inferior order, of contracting to push works with the greatest speed, working night and day, to the immense injury of the men physically, and to the great detriment even of the building in its stability. What the master-builder wants is, to get the work done, in reasonable time, but well, solidly, economically. Now this he can only do by having in his service such willing workmen, that, when a pressure comes, he has only to raise his voice and ask new exertions, to be answered by a shout and a hearty activity. We have known such cases in many trades ; for the remark applies in some degree to the bakers as well as to the builders. But this genial help an employer cannot have for a stipulated dole of wages. Still less can he have it if the men whom he governs feel, by the conditions of his service, that their personal comfort is disregarded, their health slighted, their time wasted in a needless dancing of attendance. If in addition to these causes of cold. dislike there are harsh con- ditions, sudden dismissals to punish one as an example to the rest, and ether forms of arbitrary treatment to which wealth can some- times resort in the confidence of its power, the men will most certainly avenge themselves ; and they can do so by slighting the safety of their employers, his materials, and his credit. Thus, as

we have already shown, he may have "to pay for his whistle" by seeing his timbers split, his stone broken, his mortar not hold, his walls fall before they are finished, his credit tumble to pieces, and his name printed at full length in the list of Bankrupts.

Here again there is a question which the workmen themselves may profoundly consider. They neglect to act as a section of the public in procuring many modifications which would conduce to their welfare, and might conduce to their comfort. In making estimates for any work, it would usually be found that certain proportionate sums must be expended in the cost of materials, labour, and profit. There is only a certain amount to be allotted amongst the work-people, whether they be few or many ; and of course there is only the aggregate of such sums to be divided

amongst the work-people, whatever their number may be. Now it would be better for the whole if the fund were generally

divided amongst all the able workmen. Rules for the mainte- nance of a given rate of wages will not facilitate this distribution ; on the other hand, rules for pensioning off superannuated work-

men would materially improve the state of trade, by tending. to diminish the number dividing the rate of wages, while rendering the aggregate labour more efficient, and therefore more pro- ductive.

There is another subject upon which the public opinion of the building workmen might act with considerable effect; it is the improved building of the metropolis. We see that Mr. Haywood, the engineer to the City Commission of Sewers, estimates that within the next twenty-live years a large portion of the City of London will be rebuilt. No one can observe the change con- stantly going on in other portions of the metropolis without seeing that there is an immense task before the building trades, and that the task may be extended and expedited with very great advantage. Amongst other things, attention to a good ar- rangement of streets, by which the wealthier abodes and places of business should stand in front, with humbler abodes for the

working classes in the back and intermediate streets, is rendered more necessary by that bad distribution which is building up fine streets,—almost too showy,—while exiling the working classes to the outskirts, and exacting perchance an additional hour daily by wasting their time in coming and going to work. Many im- provements might be introduced in the new building of the me- tropolis ;—and the degree of intelligence and efficiency in the trade will influence the state of this enormous town. Within a period which many of us will see, we shall have to share the com- fort or discomfort of that day ; the working classes will have to bear the cost of a bad distribution, or to enjoy the advantage of a better arrangement. Nothing would so promote the best form of rebuilding as a good understanding within the building trade itself, between masters and men. This would give us a more thorough efficiency of labour ; and within the profession some representa- tion of the interests of all classes of house-dwellers.