24 SEPTEMBER 1864, Page 8

and laid down their arms the war will instantly cease,

and the total number of friendly societies and benefit clubs is all the war measures then existing, including those which estimated by competent persons at twenty thousand. This affect Slavery, will cease also ; and all the moral, economical, seems to be a result hardly less creditable to the poorer classes and political questions, as well questions affecting Slavery as of this country than the great public works which are due others which shall be then existing, between individuals, and to the enterprise of their betters. Whatever may be the evils States, and the Federal Government, whether they arose or even the frauds which have marked the history of the before the civil war began, or whether they grew out of it, friendly societies, they are scarcely more numerous or more will, by force of the constitution, pass over to the arbitrament disastrous than those with which the shareholders in railways, of the courts of law, and to the councils of legislation." Now banks, and mines have had and still have to contend. no doubt this was put by Mr. Seward with some slight craft There is this also to be said for the managers of friendly in order to conciliate War pro-Slavery Democrats, and we have societies, that a large part of their misdoings is the result of no wish even to apologize for Mr. Seward's electioneering pure ignorance, and that if their failures have been productive tricks: But nothing can be more absurd than to say that it of great misery they have taught a wholesome lesson. The even hints a policy favourable to Slavery so soon as the number of the societies whose rules are submitted to Mr. rebellion should cease. What it does say is, that with the Tidd Pratt for registration is steadily on the increase, and Avar the war power by which slaves have been emancipated even the increase in the number of dissolutions is attributed must cease ;—and therefore that unless, first, the constitutional by the Registrar in his recently published Report not so much construction of the emancipation proclamation decides that to any fraudulent intention in the members as to a desire of all the slaves, whether de facto set free by the Northern armies remodelling their rules, and starting afresh with higher rates or not, were legally emancipated by that proclamation,—and of premium such as experience has shown to be required by unless, secondly, in case they were not emancipated by the the risks which are incurred. mere issue of the proclamation there is no other constitutional Indeed if we consider the extreme obscurity of the sub- policy within the power of the Government to carry through ject with which the managers had to deal, and the station of Congress by which those remaining slaves might yet be life in which they were, it is really wonderful how the socie- emancipated, Mr. Lincoln will be unable to terminate Slavery ties have succeeded as well as they have. Even now with altogether, however anxious he may be to do so. But Mr. all our experience of the average amount of sickness and Sward carefully reserves the effect first of " the arbitrament mortality—experience, it is to be observed, derived from the of the courts of law" which may possibly decide that all the societies themselves—the most eminent actuaries have only slaves of the rebel States are set free by the proclamation; and of late succeeded in reaching mere approximate results, though next of " the councils of legislation " which in the hands of a no doubt the differences between them are so small that the strong Government will do much to supplement the arbitra- position of any friendly society or benefit club submitted to the went of the courts of law. test of valuation may be ascertained with sufficient accuracy. And with respect to the legislative powers to be set in But many of the societies are of " great antiquity." As their motion by the President we have a better security than any name indicates they had their origin as much in social as in cated men which appeal in some way to the imagination. FRIENDLY SOCIETIES. The annual processions, the bands, dresses, ribbons, and other each single society " manages its own affairs and pays its own sick members as well as burials, but is repaid by a levy made over the whole districts." It is obvious that the larger the area over which the liabilities are extended the more regular will be their incidence, and the size and importance of the Orders appeal to the pride of the members. Indeed the extent to which the imagination enters into the affair is illustrated by the names of the Orders, which never allude to economical considerations. On the contrary, it is either their antiquity, or independence, or temperance, or good-fellowship, which is insisted on by such alliances as the Ancient Order of Foresters, the Ancient Order of Shepherds, the Independent Order of Rechabites, and the National Order of Odd Fellows. Some- times the title is even mystical, as in the case of the Ancient Order of Romans, the Order of Ancient Druids, and—most magnificent of all—the Masonic Order of Crimson Oaks !

For the cure' of the evils which spring from the ignorance of the managers of the friendly societies we must look of course to the results of experience and the changes which have of late years been introduced by a more enlightened legislation. Mr. Pratt bears witness that " there is a very earnest desire among the managers or members to ascertain their real con- dition, and to avail themselves of such legal privileges as are offered them to better it." Inadequate premiums must of course be raised. If the societies are to continue the pay- ments for burials, or in other words are to act as life-in- surance offices, and if they are to continue to grant super- annuation allowances, or in other words deferred annuities, they must recognize the necessity of accumulating much larger reserves to meet these liabilities. The first step to improvement doubtless would be to keep the three funds for death, superannuation, and sickness perfectly distinct. The con- tinual diminution of any one of the three would alarm the common sense of even the most ignorant members. As it is, any deficiency is imperceptible because all the funds are mud- dled together, and the evil is not discovered till it is too late to provide a remedy. But we believe that the friendly societies would do well to confine themselves to mutual assur- ance against sickness, or temporary want of employment, or accidental loss of property. This is comparatively a simple affair. The payments in each year would be tolerably uni- form and the advantages to the members would begin at once. The grant of deferred annuities and life- insurance must always be a difficult business, depending for its success on the possession of considerable scientific ,knowledge by the managers.

To the poor man who, after subscribing all his life to escape the workhouse, dnds his hopes frustrated in his old age, the loss is so irreparable that one desires for him a degree of security that no voluntary society can ever give. And this part of their business we hope sooner or later to see the friendly societies abandon. The greater part of the Orders already, Mr. Pratt tells us, act on this principle. They " make provision for the widows and orphans, and for their needy and unfortunate members, but not a provision for superannuation or old age." Desirous as we are to see the friendly societies increase and flourish, to see working-men not only forming habits of prudence and self-control as indi- viduals, but combining for their common benefit, to this extent the operation of the societies might well be limited. The great moral benefits which they confer on their members would still remain, and a far safer substitute for them, so far as they grant burial and superannuation allowances, will shortly be open to the labourer under the provisions of Mr. Gladstone's Bill. The principle of it indeed was not new, and it was sadly mutilated in committee, but it removed many foolish restrictions. Formerly the Government could not grant deferred annuities for more than thirty pounds, and the purchase-money had to be paid either in one sum or in annual instalments. These latter conditions are now abolished and the maximum of amount fixed at 501. Formerly the life insurer had to purchase at the same time a deferred annuity depending upon his own life. Now he is under no such restriction. Unhappily, however, the Committee to which the Bill was referred introduced a clause prohibiting the labourer from insuring for less than 201., and Mr. Pratt informs us that the members of friendly societies while they can insure for any sum under 2001. seldom insure for more than 101. This absurd provision will probably rob the Act of a good deal of its beneficial effect. Another very questionable amendment introduced by the Committee was the making the policies assignable, so that they can be sold by the holder whenever he is pressed for money. We quite agree with Mr. Pratt that the power given to the Commis- sioners for the Redaction of the National Debt to accept a surrender of the policies, after five years' payment of pre- miums, on equitable terms met all the necessities of the case. Even yet there is time to remove these blemishes, for no annuities or policies can be granted under the Chancellor of the Exchequer's Act till the rules and tables to be authorized by the Treasury shall have been laid on the table of both Houses of Parliament for thirty days. But as the amendments of the Commons Committee were accepted as a sort of com- promise we have little hope that so reasonable a course will be pursued. So long as the Government refuses to grant policies of insurance for less than 20/. the labourer will still have to rely on his friendly society, and the societies them- selves will still have to continue a kind of business which they have not the requisite knowledge to manage to the- advantage of their members.