„forrign nut Colonial,

cfranre.—There is little intelligence of general interest front Paris. That gay capital swarms with travelling Russian officers--Dannenberg, Todtleben, Glasenap, Krudener' Roerder. They all went to Toulon on Sunday to meet the Grand Duke Constantino. The Russian squadron entered the harbour on Monday. The Grand Duke landed at the Arsenal, and was received by the Maritime Prefect, the Prefect of the Var, and Admiral Trehouart. lie was saluted by twenty-ono guns from each of the French vessels ea he passed them ; after which, the whole squadron fired a general salute, and the crews manned the yards and cheered. A great number of steamers filled with strangers followed the Russian and French squadrons on their arrival in the roadstead. The Prince immediately on his landing spontaneously offered to review the troops, which were drawn up in line to receive him. At nine o'clock on Tuesday morning the Grand Duke visited the Arsenal. The crowd assembled was immense.

The Nord contradicts the assertion that the Grand Duke is to proceed to England after his visit to Paris. The Ami de la Religion describes an incident that occurred at the Tuileries on Sunday at the conclusion of the ceremony of administering the usual oath to Cardinal Morlot on his appointment as Archbishop of Paris.

"After the oath had been taken, an unexpected scene occurred, which produced much emotion among all the persons present. The Emperor went on his knees before the eminent Cardinal, and asked him for his first benediction. After having complied with the desire of his Majesty, the Cardinal was taken into the apartments of the Empress and the Prince Imperial, to whom he also gave his benediction."

The Neuchitel Conference met at Paris for the eighth time on Mon

day. The discussion lasted nearly four hours. The upshot of the sitting is said to be this—the representatives of Austria, England, Russia, and France, submitted to the representatives of Prussia and Switzerland a project of settlement; which the latter accepted, saying that they must refer to head-quarters for instructions. It is said that Prussia now accepts, and Dr. Kern engages for Switzerland to pay, 1,000,000 francs by way of indemnity ; that the King of Prussia retains the title of Prince of Neuchatel ; and that Switzerland will give him a guarantee respecting the proper administration of charitable institutions in Neuchatel.

ilaill.—Many contradictory reports are constantly arriving from Spain. The latest are, that a Carlist conspiracy had been discovered, having ramifications throughout the kingdom ; and that its object was a general insurrection. The Ihjas tfutografas says " Saragossa, Tortosa, Oviedo, Leon, and Burgos, were the principal lo,calities in which the Carlist party was to have risen. It is calculated that more than 200 persons quitted Madrid with the view of joining the conspiracy. The French Government sent information to the Spanish Government . on the subject. The Carlist Colonels Jauregui and Santocillides, and some other officer(' who were arrested on suspicion, have been set at liberty, after being interrogated. Almost all the persons arrested are of some importance ; and among. them are several ecclesiastics belonging to the Carlist party. The Courier Madrid says that the arrests amount to 430, and that among the_ prisoners are Fathers Ruiz and Carnicier, both well known in Madrid."

This report came early in the week. Later correspondence makes light of the whole affair, and imputes it to police intrigues set on foot by Narvacz for the purpose of frightening the Queen!

rnmark.—M. de Scheele has "retired from public life." The King first instructed M. Andrea to form a Ministry: but that gentleman having failed, the task has been thrown upon M. Rail, the Minister of State.

Suss i I.—The Northern Bee, in an article on the general election in this country, thus refers to the defeat of the Manchester party " This passing over of Cobden, Bright, and others, in the elections, shows us how powerful the hostility against Russia still is in England. They still make Cobden feel the consequences of his opposition to the war now ended, and that too after the lapse of so long a time. That must be a nice sort of a peace that we have with England, when public opinion, which influences everything there, cannot even yet pacify itself."

usi a.—The Teheran Gazette has published a truly Persian account of the battle of Kooshab. This story is full of wonderful things. First, the Persians are made to march towards the English, instead of from them, in the movement on Burazjoon. Then, the English, at the approach of the redoubted Soojah-ool-Moolk, are made to shelter themselves from the rain and the enemy "behind rocks and in caverns." Next, we have these skulking troops marching on Burazjoon, " pursued " by the Persians. Then, the English are made to explode their own instead of the Persian ammunition, in the retreat from Burazjoon, while the victorious enemy hangs on their rear. The battle of Kooshab is described as a desperate affair. Twice the Persians "penetrate the enemy's ranks and break them" ; and finally the rain forces the combatants to " separate " ".leaving several pieces of cannon in the mud." As to the loss—"we are told that the English lost in the battle from 800 to 1000 men ; our loss is from 300 to 600."

A letter from Teheran, published in the Nord, says—" The loss of the enemy is estimated at from 1700 to 1800 men. Our loss is not considerable compared with that of the enemy ; it does not exceed 300 to 400 men. The cannon which were left in the mud have been recovered by our troops."

fl ifuit t H.—The Europa arrived at Liverpool on Monday, with advices from New York to the 9th instant.

A correspondent of the New York Courier and .Enquirer, writing from Washington, gives the following outline of the course which it is said the Government of the United States will adopt in China. "It is understood that the Government has settled upon a line of policy to be pursued in regard to China affairs; and that in very recent conferences between the Secretary of State mid the British Minister the latter has expressed his entire satisfaetion with the course which is to be pursued. The American merchants, Mr. Forbes, Mr. Appleton, and others interested in the China trade, have also, after receiving explanations from the Government, become convinced that it is neither politic nor necessary that we should cooperate with the Western Powers in their proposed crusade against China, and their joint efforts to extinguish or limit Rueeem ascendancy in that quarter; but that the Government will secure every important or desirable end by taking measures for the protection of the persons and property f our citizens, and for the enforcement of the privileges which are secured to us by the existing treaty, acting independently of any alliance with Powers engaged in hostilities against China. The Government will augment the naval force in the China seas, and send as an Envoy to China some man of high political standing and character, who will be instructed to revert to the aid of the naval force, in case of hostile proceedings against our citizens. The Envoy will also be instructed to procure some modifications of the treaty and an improvement of our commercial relations with China. It will be observed that the United States is at peace with the Chinese empire, and that we have no motive for waging war against it, -either single-handed or in alliance with England and France."

Commodore Perry is mentioned as the probable commander of an " imposing " American squadron in the Chinese seas.

The New York correspondent of the Timm, for lack of news, descants on the working of the Republican institutions of the State. His remarks and illustrations are instructive and amusing. "The new charter for the city of 'New York and the new Police Bill have passed in the State House of Representatives at Albany. The Republican majority have carried them through ; and if they are not spoiled by amendments, which seems likely, in the Senate, they may be real improvements in the administration of the city, which at present is a mass of confusion, one department thwarting another. While the most necessary work is left undone, the city revenues disappear, no one can tell how ; the first thing the public hears of its money is, that it is gone to do it justice, it receives the information with great quietude of mind—it is busy making more. The apathy is so complete, though the city taxes have run up to seven millions annually, that some of the journals which seem to do all the indignation are driven to despair and a savage pessimism : they hope things will grow worse than they are—that the next batch of corporation-officers will be greater scoundrels (the epithets are uotmnine, but native) flail' the present —that they will rob more and do less, if less be possible, till the taxes are 20,000.000 ileitend of 7,000000, when, perhaps, the respectables,' who pa■., i,1 • 11:, `••'.., /1/ IT4/01'.11 now and t tit n to vote, aud exervise Hill,: r their ews money. Till tlit‘y do this, then: is little faith

to be placed in new charters and new distributions of functions and powers.

The busy, fast-living, speculating community of New York, the great commercial class, all the wealthy of the middle and upper grades, appear to regard self-government much as the Turks do dancing—as a troublesome and degrading kind of activity, that no man with any respect for himself can Join in The business of city government, therefore, falls into the hands of professionals, who devote themselves ta it with great zeal: according to an official report of the Mayor, they conic into office poor, and after a term or

i two leave it rich. How it s done, is never clearly traced, though there are strong suspicions, and the papers now and then drag a case to light as an illustration. But, as before said, it is useless ; the public is unmoved, and things go on as before. " The present dearth of events may be imagined, when it is stated that

the great subject of discussion for the last ten days has been mud—literally nothing but mud! The topic is closely connected with the above paragraph, and lathe last striking illustration of the 'system.' By some mysterious hitch in the city machinery, the streets have not been cleaned since last June ; half a million of dollars have been voted and paid, it appears, for the work ; the mud visibly remains the money is gone. The heavy snow of winter became slush with the thaw, thickened into mud, and lastly dried into dust ; but in each state it was undisturbed. The time came for new contracts for the work, and many of the wards were taken by somebody who proposed to use sweeping-machines—an unpopular innovation. The first night the reformer began operations, the all-pay-and-no-work party' got up a riot, drove off ltis men, breaking the brooms and shovels on their heads, by the instigation, it is said, of the underbidden contractors. The next day and night the police were sent to keep the peace, and the mud was carted oft under a guard; but as soon as the pavement is got down to and the machines can begin to work, they are threatened with demolition. The Irishmen who were employed also struck, on outside persuasion. The contractor supplied their place with destitute foreigners—Frenchmen, and all the Italian organ-grinders who could be hunted up. The last seemed delighted with the novelty of definite wages, and quite distinguished themselves. The proprietors of carts refused to let them on hire ; others have been brought in from the country; and the battle is still proceeding."

The New York Courier and Enquirer, a journal distinguished in America by its appreciation of English polities, has published an interesting article on Lord Palmerston and the causes of his popularity.

"Will Palmerston beat ? One cannot help taking a deep interest in the contest, even without reference to the political questions it decides. The prompt, unconguerable spirit with which the Premier, when prostrated by the overwhelming combination of his antagonists in the House of Commons, went forth to the country to give them battle there, and the fact that he is combating, almost single-handed, a corps of the very strongest men in all England, who, having no common agreement in anything else, yet via with each other in the determination to disable him, naturally excite a lively interest in his favour. No public man in England, not even William Pitt, ever had to struggle against such tremendous odds. The Tory champions, the Conservative champions, the 1Vhig champions, and the Radical champions—Lord Derby and Disraeli, Gladstone and Graham, Lord John Russell and Grey, Cobden and Roebuck—are all against him ! And yet he not only stands his ground, but he fights with a dashing vigour and self-possessed confidence that plainly denote he is bent upon victory. It is indeed a rare sight—this old vetera,n seventy-three years of age, for forty years a Member of Parliament, and a member of almost every Ministry within the memory of living men, thus challenging his combined foes and plunging into the fierce conflict of a general election with all the fire and energy of youth—in fact, with a fire and energy which his youth knew nothing of, for up to middle age Lord Palmerston exhibited nothing but indolence, apathy, and heavy-paced mediocrity. It is almost impossible to associate old age with Palmerston as he now is. Therein not so nimble-handed, so sure-eyed, so ready, so fearless a political gladiator, in all England. Nowhere is seen such dexterity as his in touching vulnerable points with sarcastic venom, in making a feint of argument answer all the purposes of a real home-thrust, or such agility in skipping about to avoid being hit and in guarding himself against attack. The high spirit and brilliant skill of the old veteran, in the face of so many adversaries, cannot but enlist a certain personal sympathy on his side. "But there are stronger considerations in his favour. First, apart from

the Chinese difficulty, the Palmerston Ministry has been eminently successful and popular. Its resistance of the premature proposals of peace made by those who had held office during the first year of the war, and the vigour and determination with which it corrected the deplorable mismanagement of that year, and prosecuted the siege of Sebastopol until the great stronghold fell and Russia humbly sued for the terms she had before haughtily repelled, gave that Ministry a prodigious claim to the gratitude and attachment of the British people. Its policy, and the unshaken firmness with which it held to that policy, alone saved England from humiliation and dishonour. The English people will not be likely to forget the unflinching courage and constancy of that Ministry in spite of all the opposition that could be raised against them in Parliament by renegade colleagues, in spite of every species of political discouragement, and in spite of a military resistance the protracted obstinacy of which can hardly be paralleled in the art of war. Up to the time of the attack by'Sir John Bowring upon the Chinese, the Ministry was hi the highest degree popular and strong. It is not probable that the majority of the English people regard that attack with favour ; but they cannot help bearing in mind that it was made without instructions from the home Government, and by an official who received his appointment from a previous Administration. And, again, they will not be apt to consider the question in its original shape. They will now hardly ask whether the original attack was not precipitate and uncalled-for, so much RS whether, the attack having been made and the war actually raging, the war shall not be conducted to a point that shall insure security for the future, which could not be realized should the Chinese people see the English Government over-anxious to make peace, and tamely retreating from a stand it has once taken. The British people, though their agents in China did not perhaps, as they should, beware of entrance to a quarrel,' will yet, we think, take up with the remaining advice of old Polonius, and

being in, ' Bear it that the opposer may beware of thee.' '

"Another consideration that will operate strongly in favour of retaining Lord Palmerston as the head of the Government, is the undeniable fact that not one of his many opponents has any real hold upon the popular heart at large, and that the Government could not be placed in the hands of any one of them with any assurance of permanency. The very causes which have so signally contributed to the late popularity of Lord Palmerston have detracted from their estimation. No mistake that the Palmerston Ministry may have made in respect to China can affect the opinion entertained of the universally-greater mistake of its adversaries in respect to Russia. Hatred to Russia still remains the dominant feeling of the British people ; and among all British statesmen there is no embodiment of that feeling to be found like Lord Palmerston. From 1830 down, his leading idea has been the expediency of an alliance between Prance and Englind, to make common opposition to Russia; and it was undeub'ecly Ins knowledge or full belief that Louis Napoleon would favour such an alliance, that caused Palmerston to hail with such satisfaction hie coup d'etat and accession to the supreme power. Lord Palmerston is the fittest of all Englishmen to represent and lead the country in its Anti-Russian policy ; and this incontestable fact will give him a procfigious advantage over his opponents. Not one of them would be depended upon for retaining and upholding the French affiance, or (ferrying out any effectual system or policy against the restless, conquest-making spirit of Russia. Palmerston can be implicitly relied upon in that regard, awl it will serve as an almost irresistible argument in his favour.

"The antagonists of the Palmerston Ministry will doubtless wage their part of the conflict with all the energy of which they are capable; but we cannot help thinking that, numerous as they are and formidable in intellectual power, they are yet destined to be worsted, and to find themselves in a very decided minority in the next Parliament."