Vaults nu rnrubtug fit Varliamtut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Howls or LORDS. Monday, Deg,. 29. Resignation of Ministers; Lord Derby's

Statement—Adjournment till ThursMay.

Thursday, Dec. 23. No business—Adjournment till Monday. Room OF COMMONS, Monday, Dec. 20. Resignation of Ministers ; Mr. Disraeli's

Statement—Adjournment till Thursday.

Thursday, Dec. 23. Further adjournment. .Friday, Dec. 24. Adjournment till Monday.

TIME - TABLE.

DISSOLUTION OF THE DERBY ADMINISTRATION.

When the House of Lords met on Monday, the Earl of DERBY an- nounced the dissolution of his Ministry, accompanied with an elaborate commentary. "My Lords, it is consistent with the usual practice, and conducive, I think, to the public advantage, that the Minister, in announcing to your Lordships' House the dissolution of the Government over which he has been called to preside, should enter into some explanation of the circumstances which have led to an event necessarily productive of more or less dis- turbance to the public service. My Lords, the responsibility of lightly abandoning office is, in my judgment, not less than that of lightly accepting it. And it is right your Lordships, and the other House of Parliament, and the country, should be satisfied those who are charged with the important duties of official responsibility should not throw up those duties upon any light or trivial grounds—upon any minor difference of opinion among the members of the Administration—least of all upon any ground of pnvate pique or personal feeling. Upon the present occasion however, I am re- lieved from the necessity- of trespassing upon your Lordships at any length, because the causes that have led to the dissolution of the present Govern- ment have been upon the surface and patent to all mankind. It is unnecessary for me, my Lon% to advert to the circumstances under which the Govern- ment advised the dissolution of Parliament, and to the declarations made previous to that dissolution with regard to the policy it was to pursue. The examination of the returns of the various elections rendered the position of the Government and of the several parties in the state matter of no un- certainty and of easy calculation. It was clear that, as the avowed sup- porters of the Government in general on matters not involving the question of Free-trade or a Protective policy, but generally disposed to give their con- fidence to the Government, there were about 310 gentlemen. There were

i

also three other parties, f indeed there were not more,—one including within it all the various gradations of opinion, from the high aristocratic and exclusive Whig, down to the wildest theorist and most extreme Radical; that party, in all its ramifications, comprising somewhere about 260 mem- bers. There was a third party, from the sister kingdom, of gentlemen, principally representing the views of the Irish Roman Catholic clergy, of extreme doctrines of the Ultmmontane school, and pledged by their declare tions to use their utmost endeavours to overthrow the present or any other Government not prepared to at upon those extreme opinions. There was a fourth party, numerically small, comprising within itself from about 30 to 35 members, gentlemen of great personal worth, of great eminence and re- spectability, and who possessed very considerable official experience and a very large amount of talent. Those gentlemen profess, and I believe sin-

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment. Monday 511 ... 5h 60m Tuesday No sitting. Wednesday No sitting. Thursday 5h 5h 10m

Friday No sitting.

Sittings this Week, 2; Time, lh this Bearden. 24; — 27h 5ni

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment,

Monday Oh 5h 8001

Tuesday No sitting. Wednesday No sitting. Thursday Oh 45v1

Friday 2h .... Oh 15m SittingsthisWeek, 8; Time. Oh 80m — this Session. 29; — 14.8h 15m cerely profess, Conservative opinions ; their talents are great—talents which would reflect credit on any Administration ; but their number, as I have al- ready said, is comparatively small. "In this state of things, it was obvious that the present Government, al- though being at the head of by far the largest party, and of nearly a moiety

of the whole House of Commons, was not in a position to command the sup-

port of that body.; and that, consequently, if occasion should be taken—if it should be the will of all those three other parties to whom I have referred to

combine together in a common movement for the purpose of overthrowing

the Government—those three parties no combining, whatever might be their power for the formation of another Government, had full power to destroy

and overthrow that which existed. It was not long we were left in doubt as to whether that will did exist on the part of those three sections. Before we had an opportunity of bringing forward any specific measures notice was

given of a motion by a gentlemen of e xtreme opinions,—but of whom I desire speak pe ak with all respect, because he throughout consistently maintained

and steadily supported the same opinions, when they were very unpopular in the country, which he has subsequently seen ratified by public opinion, and became he has at all events a perfect right to plume himself upon the consistency of his conduct ; and to no man could the declaration in favour of that policy be more fitly assigned than to that honourable gentleman : but that honourable gentleman, as I have said, was one of extreme opinions, and in order that the Government might be placed in a minority upon that question before they had the opportunity of bringing forward any measure, it was necessary that a concert should take place between all those parties, without whose concert the Government would still possess a majority. We speak here upon no doubtful ground. We have had some curious revelations made to us by a right honourable gentleman in the other House, who has lifted the curtain, admitted us behind the scenes, and shown us the various

actors preparing for their parts, and discussing the most convenient phrase

that could be adopted to obtain that universal concurrence that was neces- sary to accomplish their object, and studiously concerting their measures in

such a manner as by their united efforts the Government might be placed in a minority. An incident of a somewhat dramatic character interfered with the full execution of that well-considered and well-concerted plan ; an amendment moved from another and unexpected quarter placed the matter upon a different footing, and prevented the union generally of Whigs, Con- servatives, and Radicals, in the adoption of the motion proposed by Mr. Vil- liers. The Government, therefore, escaped defeat on that occasion, by the falling asunder of the different materials of that discordant combination. " We then proceeded to bring forward and submit to Parliament the finan, cial policy upon which we proposed to conduct the business of the country ; and, after a lengthened debate m the House of Commons, by the union again of all those three parties the Government were defeated, in a House almost unpreeedentedly full—in a House in which there were, I believe, but about 26 members of the whole House who in one way or another did not record their opinion. In a House so constituted the Government was subjected to a de- feat by a majority of 19. If that defeat had been upon some minor and in- cidental point—if it had been upon some detail of a measure the general principle of which was assented to by Parliament—greatly as I should feel the position of Government was weakened by being subjected to a defeat in such a manner—materially and greatly as Governments have been weakened of late years by submitting to repeated defeats and repeated reversals of their policy—inconvenient as I should have considered that state of things, I should not have considered myself justified upon such a defeat, upon a minor question, in abandoning the duty confided to me by her Majesty. But this was upon no minor question : this was upon the basis of the financial policy of the country ; that IS to say, it was ostensibly upon the basis of the finan- cial policy of the country, but in reality and in truth it was—was known to be—was avowed to be—a vote determining the confidence or the want of con- fidence of the House of Commons in the present Government. I need not stop to prove that such was the issue which really was intended by the House of Commons ; and such issue having been joined, and upon such issue the Government having sustained an unequivocal defeat, I felt, and my col- leagues felt with me, that no option remained for us than that of tendering to her Majesty the resignation of those offices of which we were no longer able to perform the functions with satisfaction to ourselves, or to carry. out our own views and projects. Upon the morning, therefore, after having sus- tained that defeat,—I speak now only of the facts of the case ; something I might .perhaps have said with regard to the character of the combination and the ammua displayed for the purpose of overthrowing the Government., but I abstain from every expression which by possibility, upon this occasion, could raise a controversy or excite an angry feeling,—having had that dis- tinct declaration of a want of confidence on the part of the House of Com- mons, and having ascertained that my colleagues were unanimous in their concurrence with me as to the only course we ought to pursue, I proceeded at once, as your Lordships are aware, to wait upon her Majesty, and tender to her Majesty, in my own name and in that of my colleagues, the humble resignation of our services and offices.

"Her Majesty was pleased to accept that resignation, and to signify her pleasure, which was acted upon in the course of the same evening, to send for and take the advice of two noblemen, members of your Lordehips' House, both of them of great experience, of considerable ability, and of long prac- tice in public life, and one of them—I speak of him without any disrespect towards the other—peculiarly distinguished in this House, not only for his long experience, but for the well-known moderation and temperance of his views—for that spirit of mingled firmness and courtesy with which upon all occasions he has discharged his duty, and has at once conciliated friend- ship and disarmed opposition. That noble Marquis to whom I have referred was prevented by illness from attending in obedience to her Majesty's com- mands; and the following day, in answer to a further communication from her Majesty the Earl of Aberdeen, the other nobleman to whom I have re- ferred, waited upon her Majesty, and received her Majesty's commands, which he signified his readiness to obey, to undertake the formation of a new Administration.

"But upon what principle that Administration is to be formed, how that Administration is to be composed, what are to be its materials its views, or '

its principles I know not. This however, I presume, that before long we shall receive from the noble Earl himself a full declaration of his intentions and views upon that subject. I, my Lords remember, and probably your Lordships will remember, that that noble Earl has, upon more than one oc- casion, declared in this House, that., the question of Free-trade excepted, he knew of none upon which there was any difference of opinion between him- self and the present Government. I presume, then it is the intention of the noble Earl, and I shall believe it until I hear him contradict it himself, to carry on the Government, if he shall be enabled to form it, upon a strictlY Conservative principle, and in a Conservative spirit. How that principle is to be carried out at present, with such associations and support as I appre- hend the noble Earl must avail himself of to form a Government, I confess I entertain some little doubt and some anxiety ; but of this I any nothing. abstain from any single expression of opinion, or from prejudging the course that may be pursued by the noble Earl. This, however, I will venture to say in his absence, as well as in his presence—I am confident he relies, and he relies justly, on more forbearance from that great Conservative party with whom I have the honour of acting than that Conservative party has

experienced at the hands of others. I will venture to promise thia,—if the Government about to be formed be conducted on Conservative principles, and resist the onward progress of Democratic power in the constitution, in that event the noble Earl may rely on haying, if not the cordial, at all events the sincere and conscientious support of the great Conservative party in this country ; he shall find, if the past cannot be altogether forgotten, that per- sonal feeling shall exercise no influence over publics affairs; and he hall find that he shall be encountered on the part of myself and my friends by no factious opposition, and met by no unprincipled combination. For my own part, I need hardly say, that to me personally the surrender of office is no personal sacrifice, and affords me no ground for personal regret. It would, indeed, have been a deep mortification to me, if in resigning that trust which has been reposed in my hands by my Sovereign I left this country in a less advantageous sition than that in which I found it ; but I rejoice to think that, short as • been the period during which I and my colleagues have held office, that period has not been without some advantage to the country—that period has not elapsed without some beneficial measures having been carried—and that we shall leave the country mainly in a state of at least as great prosperity as that in which we found it

"My Lords, I have no hesitation in saying, with respect to the foreign affairs of the country, that we leave them in a much more satisfactory con- dition than when we acceded to office—that our foreign relations are far more friendly and satisfactory than when my noble friend the Foreign Secretary received the charge of his department. I rejoice in having this opportunity of bearing my testimony in reference to one than whom no person has been more unsparingly, and I will venture to say more unjustly maligned, and of stating that from the first to the last I have had no cause for anything but self-congratulation in having obtained in the Foreign Department the ser- vices of one who, without previous political experience, has brought to bear a diligence, ability, and good judgment on the affairs of that great depart- ment, which reflect the highest credit on himself, and which, I may venture to say without fear of contradiction, have extorted the applause and admi- ration of old and experienced diplomatists, whose views he has on more than one occasion combated, and successfully combated. If we look to the de- partment of the law, we shall find that greater improvements and reforms have taken place in that department within the last twelve months than for many previous years ; reforms the magnitude and importance of which have been freely acknowledged on both sides of the House ; and for which the country and the Government are indebted to the unwearied seal and assiduity, to the distinguished talent and thorough professional knowledge, of my noble.and learned friend who now sits on the woolsack, and to whom, when be quits that woolsack, it will be difficult for any Government to find a successor who will not give cause for regret at his leaving it. I take no credit on behalf of the present Government for the state of the finances of the country ; but I think I may take credit on behalf of the Government for having One this —for having for the first time broken through that apathy, that dangerous apathy, which for so many years existed, to the injury of the public service, with respect to the internal defence of the country. And while we leave this country without fear of hostility from abroad, and with friendly re- lations subsisting with all the great powers, we shall leave it also in a con- dition of self-defence, partially effected, and for the further progress of which we have laid the grounds, which, I hope, will not be abandened by those who succeed to us. I trust they will not be neglectful of those great elements of self-defence which we have successfully called into operation—namely, the establishment of that constitutional force the militia of the country, and the increase of that naval force on which primarily and in the first instance the safety and honour of the country depend. We leave, then, the Adminis- tration,. with the country in a state, I hope, of tranquillity, contentment, prospenty—of friendship with foreign powers, and of increased if not entirely perfected means of self-defence and self-dependence.

"Under these circumstances, it is no personal sacrifice to surrender the reins of office; and I rejoice to say that our successors—their personal diffi- culties, indeed, apart (which I cannot but think they have created for them- selves)—have a comparatively easy task to accomplish. I trust they will go on in the course of social improvement, and place the country on that footing on which it ought to stand. I trust that, with regard to those great measures and objects to which I have referred, they may go on and com- plete the course which we have successfully commenced : and my humble but fervent prayer is, that this great country may still continue to enjoy security at home, with tranquillity and contentment, peace abroad, and in- creasing prosperity among all classes of the people, by whosoever's hand it may be the will of Providence that the affairs of this mighty nation should be guided. I have only further to state, though it is hardly necessary that I should do so after what I have already said, that I and my colleagues hold our offices only until our successors shall be appointed, and until the noble Earl to whom the task has been intrusted by her Majesty shall be enabled to pre- sent for her Majesty's approval, and produce to this and the other House of Parliament, a Government with which he may, in his judgment, feel him- self capable of conducting the affairs of the country. I have received this morning from the noble Earl a communication, which I confess has occa- sioned me some little surprise, because I certainly had anticipated, after all that had occurred—after the frequent conferences that had taken place, and after the adoption of the decided step of putting the Government in a minority on the earliest occasion—that not forty-eight hours, pro- bably not twenty-four, would elapse before the noble Earl would be able to submit to her Majesty the programme of the future Administra- tion. Nevertheless, I have received this day a communication from the noble Earl requesting me to move the adjournment of the House till this day week. Under the circumstances of the case though anxious to consult his wishes, yet looking to the period of the year,' I fear that extreme inconveni- ence would be experienced by many of your Lordships from being detained in town over Christmas-day. Of course, all considerations must yield to the paramount one of providing duly for the public service; but, looking to the great inconvenience I have mentioned, I have stated to the noble Earl, that, subject to his approval, I mean to move the adjournment of the House, in the first instance, to Thursday next, in the hope that by that time he may have made such progress in his arrangements as to be able to assume the re- sponsibility of undertaking the public service. If, however, his arrangements should not be so far advanced before Thursday, I shall then be prepared to move—and your Lordships, I am sure, will cheerfully concur in the motion —the adjournment from Thursday to Monday. I have now only to thank Your Lordships for the mat attention with which you have listened to my statement, and to give notice that at the rising of the House I shall move its adjournment till Thursday."

The Duke of NEWCASTLE rose the moment that Lord Derby resumed his seat.

"The noble Earl said he was anxious not to raise any controversy, or ei- cite any angry feeling ; but I deeply regret that in a very considerable por- tion of his speech he has not thought fit to adhere to that intention. It is

My,vrish also to avoid any controversy, and to abstain from exciting any angry feeling ,• and I will not enter upon any of the topics touched on by lie noble Earl, except one. I will not stop to consider how far the course 4ti8t taken by the noble Earl is in strict conformity with that courtesy which it is generally the custom of the Minister resigning to manifest to the per- son who has received her Majesty's commands to farm a new Administration —namely, to adjourn the House to the not unreasonable period desired by the latter—this day week ; and I will certainly avoid now entering into the various observations made by the noble Earl, which must at some future oc- casion receive an answer ; but I think there is one statement which does require immediate contradiction, even though the House be adjourned only to Thursday ; for I think it only due to the character of some gentle- men not members of this House, and of some too who are members of this House' and due also to the noble Earl who has received her Majesty's com- mands to form an Administration, that the country should not be deceived by one statement made by the noble Earl with the greatest confidence, and founded, as he said, on facts patent to all and explained by a right honour- able Baronet, a friend of mine, in the other House of Parliament. I beg to give to that statement the most positive and emphatic, though I hope cour- teous, denial. The noble Earl stated, that from the very commencement of the session there had been a determined endeavour by different parties to upset

his Government ; and he referred to the speech of a right honourable Baronet in the other House to prove that an attempt had been made to form a combination by which the Government were to be prevented from bringing forward their

measures. Now, the very opposite of that statement is true. The part which the right honourable Baronet announced as having been taken by himself and others, including my noble friend who is now absent, was that there had been an attempt made to prepare such resolutions as should combine together the whole of the friends of Free-trade without necessitating opposition on the part of the Government. It was for that express purpose that the right honourable Baronet's labour was bestowed on the preparation of the resolu- tions; and, if any thing more than another could conclusively disprove the existence of any such combination as the noble Earl described to have been formed to upset the Government, it is this simple fact, that the words of those resolutions were eventually accepted by the Government itself, though they did not receive the sanction and approval of the gentleman who first gave notice of his intention to propose a motion in the House of Commons on the subject of the Free-trade policy. Consequently, the conduct of the Government proved that those resolutions could not have had the purpose now attributed to them. There was the most anxious and earnest desire that the noble Earl and the right honourable gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer should produce to the country the measures which they bad promised. When the noble Earl talks of combination, he has himself in- formed the House of a circumstance affording the strongest contradiction to the assumed combination—namely, that the noble Lord who has been sum- moned to repair to Osborne had required a week to form an Administration. I will not discuss the other topics of the noble Earl's speech ; but we have heard before of Prime Ministers who were taken by surprise, and found themselves in a position they little expected. When my noble friend resumes his place in this House, he will be capable of explaining his part in all these transactions better than I can for him ; but this I must say, that if the high honour and reputation of my noble friend as a member of this House did not command from the noble Earl an abstinence from the insinuations he has thrown out, at any rate, the i duty which, by the command of his Sovereign, my noble friend is now engaged n performing, ought to have protected him from the imputations made against him. I have risen for no other purpose than to say that the statement made with respect to combinations formed to prevent the Government from explaining their measures is perfectly baseless and unfounded. To that I give a most positive contradiction. The noble Earl will forgive me for saying, that the course he has just taken is most unusual ; but if on any future and more regular occasion he will raise any of these topics, he shall be fairly met, and, if he is deceived, the facts shall be explained to him ; but it is most important that through such lips as his the country should be under no misconception as to the views, honesty, and straightforward conduct of those who before long may be intrusted with the duties of Administration. I beg pardon for having thus addressed your Lordships' but I found myself placed in an unusual position, and, with the affection Ibear to the noble Earl who has been summoned by her Majesty, and from my regard to those friends of mine whose character has been drawn into discussion I could not sit still without saying these few words ; and I only beg your Lordships not to conclude that there are not many other things in the noble Earl's speech which may require a no less positive con- tradiction."

The Earl of DERBY said that his statement was founded on information which he had thought, and still thought, did not deceive him. He wished to state, in explanation, that he had not said that there was a motion made for the purpose of preventing the Government from bringing their measures before the country, but that from the commencement of the session there was an obvious concert between different parties to put the Go- ' vernment in a minority and prevent them explaining their measures; and , that that concert was entered into, and a particular motion made, before tlie Government had an opportunity of explaining their measures. He had not, - however, said that the specific object of that motion at that time was to pre- vent the Government bringing forward their measures. The discussion dropped, and the House adjourned till Thursday.

In the House of Commons, when the Clerk read the order of the day for going into Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. Manama made the formal statement in the following terms-

" Mr. Speaker, after the vote at which the House arrived on Thursday night, the Earl of Derby and his colleagues thought it their duty to tender the resignation of their offices to her Majesty ; and her Majesty has been most graciously pleased to accept the same. It has reached me that Lord Aberdeen has undertaken the office of forming a new Administration ; and therefore it only remains for me to say that we hold our present offices only until our successors arc appointed. I hope the House will not think it pre- sumptuous on my part, if, under these circumstances, I venture to offer my grateful thanks for the indulgent—I may even say the generohs—manner in which on both sides of the House I have been supported in the attempt to conduct the business of this House. If, Sir, in maintaining a too unequal struggle any word has escaped my lips, (I hope, never except in the way of retort) which has hurt the feelings of any gentleman in this House, I deeply regret it ; and I hope that the impression on their part will be as transient as the sense of provocation was on my own. (General cheers.) The kind opinion of Members of this House, whatever may be their political opinions, and wherever I may sit, will always be to me a most precious possession, and one which I shall always covet and most highly appreciate. (Loud cheers.) I beg to move that this House at its rising do adjourn till Thursday next." Lord Reis RUSSELL concurred in the motion, and added— "I feel quite certain that, if at any time, in the course of our debates, those flying words which will occur at such times have carried a barb with them, it is to be attributed to the circumstances in which the House has been placed. For my part, I can only admire the ability and gallantry with which the right honourable gentleman, on the part of the Government, and on behalf of the cause which he has undertaken, has conducted the struggle in which he has been for some time engaged. It is, .perhaps, impossible to hope that those halcyon days will ever arrive, when, in the course of our de- bates, an unpremeditated remark will not occasionally occur which shall give rise to unpleasant feeling; but if ever there should occur in future any feeling of this kind, it may easily be done away with if persons in the mama- tion of the right honourable gentleman shall imitate the example which he has just set." (Loud cheers.)

Sir -Texas Gmtars.24 also could not refrain from saying one word after what had fallen from Mr. Disraeli- " It is impossible for me not to avow that I was somewhat pained by an expression which fell from the right honourable gentleman on Thursday night. If I bad thought that that expression was premeditated, and that the right honourable gentleman had intended to wound me, my feelings would have been far different from what they were, and it would have been

ray duty to have expressed them in a different manner ; but, not being con- scious that I have ever in the course of debate said anything with the inten- tion of wounding the feelings of the right honourable gentleman, I could not believe that I had given him any provocation to retort upon me, and was confident that the expression which pained me was used without pre- meditation ; and what the right honourable gentleman has just said has con- firmed me in that impression. (Cheers.) There is no man in this House more deeply attached than I am to freedom of discussion; and as in the course of debate I certainly have myself used unguarded expressions towards others, I should be the last person to complain of a hasty word. I beg to say, at the same time, that I cordially join in what has fallen from my noble friend the Member for the City of London. I have never failed to admire the talents of the right honourable gentleman ; and I must also say that, under great difficulties, he has conducted the cause of the Government for the last ten months in this House with signal ability. (General cheering.) I shall only add, that I shall not for one moment recollect the expression to which I have thought it my duty to refer; and that I hope my conduct in this House will at all times insure some portion of its respect." (Loud cheers.) Sir Ciisimits WOOD, having been misunderstood, said he would think himself wanting in proper feeling were he silent— Had he been conscious of having used expressions beyond the fair limits of debate, he would not have waited to retract or apologize. And he had been assured by a right honourable gentleman who sat near him while Mr. Wal- pole was speaking, that he did not think Sir Charles had used any expression to justify the attack then made on him It was fair to say that in his own defence. "At the same time, I am ready to admit, that, feeling strongly as I did on the question, I may in the heat of debate have been betrayed into a warmth of expression which it was far beyond my intention to use. Having said thus much in my own defence, I beg to add, that I accept the expres- sions which have just fallen from the right honourable gentleman in the same spirit in which he has uttered them. He must, I am sure, feel with me, that after the terms of reciprocal kindness in which we have always communicated with each other heretofore, it would ill become either of us to indulge in personalities. I will only say, further, respecting any expression of mine that may have given pain to the right honourable gentleman, that there is no expression of courtesy towards him that I am not ready and will- ing to make. I am most anxious that our debates should be conducted with the utmost courtesy and good feeling; and I am sorry that anything should have arisen to give a different character to our proceedings." (Cheers.)

Colonel SIBTHORP said, he had heard that you might knock a man down and then give him a plaster for his wound ; but he should neither relish the knocking down nor much respect those who offered him the plaster afterwards. Regretting that Lord Derby had resigned, and given way to a "phalanx of conspirators," who hated each other like cat and dog, he gravely informed the laughing House, that he should pursue the same course as he had done ; but, remembering what had passed, "endeavour to beware of man-traps and spring-guns."

Mr. HIJIdE thanked the Government for the facilities they had afforded for obtaining information.

If the new Ministry did not adopt a wise and prudent course, Parlia- mentary Government would suffer. Having a "great opinion of the pru- dence, caution, and discretion of Lord Aberdeen,"—to whom he was not al- luding,—he recommended the formation of the Government on the broadest possible basis, in order that the experiment, carried on during the last ten months, of governing against the wishes of the majority of the people, might not be renewed. Government must carry out Law-reform and Free-trade, purify the representation, and give the Democracy their just rights, or the consequences would be painful.

Mr. CATLEv eulogized Mr. Disraeli : he would go out of office with a reputation not only untarnished but largely increased. The motion was agreed to ; and the House at once becoming nearly empty, was counted out shortly after, on a motion by Sir GEORGE PECH.ELL asking for an Ordnance return.

Both Houses met on Thursday ; but only to be again adjourned, the House of Lords until Monday, the House of Commons until Friday at two o'clock. Lord DERBY, in moving the adjournment of the Lords, in- timated his belief that Lord Aberdeen would have completed his arrange- =cubs by Monday next.

The House of Commons met on Friday ; and was again adjourned, on the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, till Monday at two o'clock. Colonel BISTRO/2P complained.

RAILWAY LEGiswaxo.r.

In accordance with a resolution passed by the Select Committee on amalgamation as applied to railway or railway and canal bills, the House of Commons has ordered-

" That all Railway Bills introduced in the House during the present ses- sion, as a general rule, be made integral in themselves ; and that the great- est caution be exercised in admitting into them, otherwise than by specific enactment, provisions which repeal, continue, or extend the power of former acts; and that the attention of Committees on Private Bills be directed to this point."