Debates anti Vroutbings in glarliantent.
In the House of Commons, on Monday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL propounded his plan for the settlement of the Sugar-duties. He began by setting forth the necessity of a permanent settlement, for all interests; the consumer.; the producer'srand the revenue—
First, with respect to the supply of sugar for the current year, he collated various estimates, taking them from the 5th April 1846 to the 5th April 1847. The first estimate he submitted he considered to be extreme, and not likely to be realized.
Tons. Colonial and Free-labour sugar in warehouse. 5th April 1846.... 40,000 Estimated import from 5th April to 5th April 1847 (Customs Letter)— West Inches Mauritius 125,000 50,000 East Indies 80,000 255,000 Calculated amount of Free-labour sugar admitted from Foreign countries 20,000 Making in the whole 315,000 Probable stock 5th April leo, stock being notoriously low 45,000 Available for consumphon 270,000 Various other returns appeared to him to come nearer the mark than that which he had just read. Here is a statement put forward by the West India body: they estimate the produce for
The West Indies 125,000
The Mauritius 50,000 The East Indies 75,000
250,000 The next statement was by the committee of sugar-refiners; who calculate the produce from
The West Indies 115,000 The Mauritius 40000 The East Indies 70,000 Another private estimate assigns to The West Indies iic000 The Mauritius 45,000 The East Indies 70,000 225,000 Another statement from persons engaged lathe trade calculates the whole at 230,000 tone. As to the consumption, he had seen from a statement
April 1816 that it amounted to 252,000 tons; and according to this estimate there could not be less than 20,000 tons additional required for the increased con- sumption for the year ending April 1847. Where was that additional supply to come from? He should naturally be disposed to propose that it should be made good by the admission of other Foreign sugar. But to this he was met by an ob- jection, that "by so doing, by admitting all Foreign sugars, you would encourage slavery and give an increased stimulus to the slave-trade: there are moral con- siderations which overbear all financial and commercial views, and all views con- nected with the comfort and welfare of the people of this country." Lord John gave a brief reply to this argument; showing, in the first place, that it failed in completeness, because while refusal was given to admit into the home market the sugars of foreign countries, no such bar was placed on the admission of cotton, tobacco, c,opper, and other articles which are produced by slave-labour. He illus- trated his position by a reference to the case of cotton. Nobody could deny that the vast consumption of that article in this country gave an impulse and en- couragement to slavery in the United States; and yet" if any one were to say that we would not allow cotton-wool to come into this country—if we were to say that before we would admit cotton-wool we would force the United States to a solution of that tremendous problem that hangs over them—that tremendous pro- blem, whether they shall keep their Black population in a state of slavery, or whether, applying the great articles of their Declaration of Rights, they shall not at once give them the supreme power in many states—the power they would be entitled to, of electing the majority of representatives—to say, that we would insist on the emancipation of all their slaves, or that we would not take their cotton-wool, would be nothing less than insanity." Returning again to the case of sugar, Lord John showed that the exclusion of slave-grown sugar, under the present prohibitory system, was impracticable, from the treaties which existed with slave states, under which they demanded the admission of their slave-grown
sr on the same terms as "the most favoured nation." He next showed, that although slave-grown sugar was prohibited in the case of countries which could not claim exemption, still no good to the cause of humanity resulted, because markets were found in other countries, where the merchant received supplies in return, which he disposed of in the English market; the Spanish producers of Cuba being paid with those English manufactures, which might as well have been sent to them direct without this intervening transaction.
Lord John proceeded from general considerations to the details of his plan. According to the principles and propositions acted upon by the late Government and sanctioned by Parliament,—removing restrictions, and allowing the people to buy in the cheapest markets,—the sugar of foreign countries must be admitted for home consumption without reference to the manner of production. He admit- ted the validity of the reasons urged by the West India body against the equali- zation of the duties between Colonial and Foreign sugar being immediate: the equalization therefore should be effected gradually. Considerations connected with the revenue spoke in favour of the same policy. "I therefore propose, that in the present year, instead of a prohibitory duty of 638. suds protecting duty of 232. U, there should be, upon all Foreign Muscovado sugar, a duty of 218. per hundredweight; to be diminished in the following manner-
s. d. To July 5, 1847 21 0 per cwt. „ 1848 20 0 „ ,, 1849 18 6 „ „ 1850 17 0 „ 1851 15 6 „
And that from July 1851 the smaller duty of 14s. should apply to all Muscovado sugar. ca Hear, r!" and some low murmurs followed this announcement) This diminution extends over five years. I say nothing here of the propriety or the advantage that might be derived from a still further reduction of the 14s. duty per hundredweight. I do not think, considering this as an operation that is to be carried over five years, that in the present state of the revenue, and in the pre- sent state of the session, it would be right in us to make any more considerable diminution." With regard to the distinction made last year of Clayed sugars, it had proved to a great extent inoperative; but it seemed practicable in the case of " White " Havanna sugars, and his present intention was to retain the distinction as regarded these sugars. There would also be a similar reduction from year to year upon Refined sugar, Double-refined sugar, and Molasses; the particulars of which would appear in the schedule.
In connexion with the prospective withdrawal of protection from the West India producers Government had taken into consideration various suggestions which had been producers, for their relief; and Lord John stated the results. With the view 225,000 of facilitating the introduction of free-labourers into the West Indies, Government, in addition to the facilities which already existed, would allow the h:inters to make agreements with labourers in Sierra Leone, or in any other British settle- ment in Africa, toproceed to their estates ; the agreement to be limited to one year from their arrival. " Bat, with regard to another proposal that is made, namely, that this should be the case dsewhere—with regard to emigrants pro- ceeding from the coast of Africa, where we have not possessions, where the British !lag does not fly, and especially the Kroo coast—we must say, we do not think it is safe to allow such contracts, or to say that these should be protected from the British cruisers, unless there is some British authority under which the bargain is made."
The West India body complained that rum is not admitted into this own on equal terms with home-made spirits. The question had been referred to the ax cue; and the conclusion he had arrived at, from the information supplied to him, was, that while there is a difference of is. 6d (78. 10d. to 9a. 4d) a gallon in the excise-duties of this country and the duties upon rum, yet that difference is not to be placed to the account altogether of differential duty. The statement is, that while in the process of distillation the excise-duty is at once levied on British spirits which are afterwards subject to leakage and other losses, rum arriving in this country arrives in a state in which it has undergone all those losses and therefore there is not a similar quantity subject to the day. With the view]how- ever, of Flaring Colonial and British spirits on terms of greater equality, Govern- ment proposed to reduce the differential day of ls. 6c1. to is. "There is another question with regard to which there is far more difficulty, and upon which I do not feel myself authorized in any way to offer satisfaction to the West India body. They complain of the difference which exists as regards the duties in Scot- land and Ireland, while the same duty is still levied n ..n rum. Any alteration in that respect would, I think, be attended with great t.culty; and, though lain ready to attend to anything that may be urged on that subject, I certainly do not feel that we ought, in the .present year, to make any change whatever." On the wt of the West India interest it was also proposed to admit molasses into breweries and distilleries. At first sight the proposal appeared to be fair. It is only asking that those who wish to consume this article in the breweries and dis- tilleries should have the power to do so, and that the Colonial sugar should be admitted as well as the barley of foreign countries to our breweries and distilleries. But in the a Tlication of the principle to practice there are various and very Considerable • culties. There is a great difficulty with respect to the exact amount of duty which ought to be imposed upon these sugars, and great difficulty in the practical levying of the duty with the Excise; and, as far as he was in- formed, he felt unable to comply with that request. Then as to the differential duties which exist in the West India islands in favour bf British manufactures, the Government considered that their abolition was only an act of justice, and indeed a necessary consequence of the withdrawal of pro- tection from their produce. Government therefore proposed to introduce a bill giving the Queen power to assent to any act passed by the Colonial Legislatures by which the five or seven per cent difference in favour of this country should be taken away, in order that the colonists should be enabled, while we make no dif- ference in favour of their produce to make no difference in favour of oars. The subject of the revenue could not be excluded from consideration. Mr. Goul- burn, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, made a statement, which no doubt he was perfectly justified in making, of the prospects of the present year: but it is impossible not to perceive that with regard to a future year, with regard to which he certainly was not bound to make any estimate, he opened a prospect of a far less consolatory description. Lord John proceeded to show, that after deducting 700,0001. of China money from the estimated income for 1846-7, and allowing for Certain items of expenditure which Mr. Goulburn was not bound to take into ac- count when making his statement, the deficiency for 1847-48 would be 352,0001., ivith the chance of its being increased to half a million. "Now, Sir, when there is this prospect before us, made out from the papersquoted by the right honour- able gentleman himself, it does seem to be ex ent, if you can do so, to endea- vour to obtain an increase to the income of e country, at the same time that you do not augment the burdens of the people. The plan which I have proposed, 1 apprehend, will accomplish this object. Taking 240,000 tons of sugar as the xwiuce of the West Indies, the Mauritius, and the East Indies, at 141. per ton, this would give us 3,360,0001. I have stated that we might expect 20,000 tons of free-labour sugar would arrive in the course of this year. With regard to ether sugars, we may expect there will be no very great supply in the present year, owing to the obstacles which are interposed by the navigation-laws. A great part of the supply of Foreign sager, which it at present warehoused in this city, has been brought here by American ships: it has been brought here for the purpose of being sent forward to foreign ports; and therefore, under our naviga- tion-laws, it is inadmissible, even supposing it was otherwise, by law, admissible. Now I should think it very presumptuous in us if we were, merely for this emer- gency, to propose to alter the navigation-laws. Any question involving the na- vigation-laws ought to be deeply and seriously considered, and ought to be pro- posed with a view not to any temporary but to some permanent change, if change were thought desirable. The consequence therefore is, that only a small portion of the Foreign sugar now in bond would be admissible under the proposed change of duty. Having taken some pains to inquire, I find that some 6,000 or 8,000, or at the most 10,000 tons, would be at present admissible under this change in the law"—
Mr. Gonixtunn—" That is warehoused now ? "
Lord Joinv HUSSELL--" Warehoused and admissible now. I should say it is 8,000 tons, upon the nearest calculation. I think we may take the whole that would be admitted of Foreign sugar to be 20,000 tons; 10,000 more now in ware- house, and 10,000 more to come in, would make up 40,000 tons; which, at 21i. per ton, would give 840,000/. Stated as a question of revenue, we should derive by this plan 4,200,000 The revenue to be derived from the plan of the right honourable gentleman was 3,574,471/. We should, therefore, have an increase in the revenue, under this proposed plan, even in the present year, of 625,5291. That amount of revenue would at once turn to account in our favour; and in the course of next year we should have a surplus of revenue over expenditure. and besides, we should have the great advantage of. giving to the people of this country. an increased supply of sugar at a reduced price." If the resolutions he should propose were adopted, he would found upon them a bill which would make the Sugar-duties permanent instead of annual as they are at present; but, with the view of keeping up the constitutional practice of leaving a considerable amount of the revenue dependent on the yearly votes of the House, he should be prepared to name some other source of revenue before the new Sugar-duties were passed into a law, to be subjected to annual renewal. After expressing his belief that the measure, so far from proving prejudicial to the colonists, would largely and permanently benefit them, Lord John concluded by proposing a resolution continuing the present Sugar-duties for another month from the 5th of August; and laying on the table resolutions for the permanent settlement of the question.
Mr. Gour.strnx observed, that on a matter of such extreme importance, he should forbear from entering upon any discussion till he had an oppor- tanity of examining the resolutions and making himself acquainted with their probable working.
Lord GEORGE BBB/TIME spoke for himself and his party—
Only two parts of the plan would be agreeable to them: that for rendering the Sugar-duties permanent; and that for facilitating the introduction of labourers into the Westlndies. With regard to the new duties, he could not promise the support of his friends. True to their principles, they would not be disposed to consent to the admission of slave-grown sugar; nor were they disposed to remove from the West India and the East India interests the proteetion which they en- joyed. Although deprived by unjust means of their own protection it would be no consolation to the agricultural interest of England to be avenged u the East and West Indian interests by depriving them of protection also. He • ought that Lord John Russell had under-estimated the supply of sugar likely to be yielded by the West and East Indies and the Mauritius: Lord George had made very minute inquiries on the subject, and he thought himself justified in saying that any defalcation in the West Indies would be made up by the increased pro i - duction n the East Indies: the probability was, that 100,000 tons would be nu-
Cfrom Bengal alone, and 15,000 tons from Madras. When "his noble OI Lord John Thisspll " brought forward his resolutions for a permanent set- tlement of the Sugar question, he would propose an amendment.
A desultory conversation followed; in which doubts, suggestions, and expressions of approval, were variously elicited.
Mr. Goa:grimy BERKELEY could speak from practical experience. Petitions had been presented complaining of the deficient supply of sugar from the West Indies; but such statements ought not to be acted upon until the planters had had their powers of production tested by the introduction of supplies of labour. Mr. P. M. SrEwerir saw a great anomaly as regarded the' SOD/Se adopted by the Government with respect to rum compared with that which they proposed with respect to sugar. Mr. EWART would have derived more gratification from the settlement had it been immediate.
In reply to a question from Mr. G. W. HOPE, as to the engagement of la- bourers, Lord Joins. RUSSELL stated, that the proposal was to extend the right of contract to all the British possessions, whether in Asia or in Africa, the samb as existed at Madeira.
Mr. EL J. BA1LLIE regretted that so important a measure should have been brought forward at so late a period in the session. Mr. HUME entertained a different opinion from Mr. Bane. Ile gave the Go- vernment every credit for bringing forward the measure. But he impressed upon Lord John Russell the expediency of. putting an end to the differential duty on rum, and to make the duty the same in Scotland and Ireland as in England. In Scotland the duty on home-made spirits was 33. 10d., and the duty on ram df 9s. 4d. was perfectly anomalous. DI% Hume considered the prohibition to tuie Bentinck had spoken of the " moral grounds " on which the equalization of duties sugar and molasses in this country in distilleries an absurdity. Lord should be opposed.; but Mr. Hume thought that that question had been settled by the common sense and common understanding of the country. His only objection to the Ministerial proposal was to the lowering of the duty so soon, as he thought that the revenue would suffer from it. Mr. C. Woon (the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer) remarked, that the equalization of duties spoken of by Mr. Hume wars not so easy as he seemed to imagine. There was not the least doubt that it was an anomalous state of things to have a different rate of excise-duties in diffident portions of the kingdom; but that distinction was adopted solely because it was calculated to put down illicit distillation. It had answered this purpose.
Mr. Iticanno remarked, that the doctrine of delay was rather a singular one to come from Mr. Hume.
Mr. WAKLEY did not hear Lord John Russell's speech; but he had heard the speech of Lord George Bentinck, in which he declared his adherence to the prin- ciples of protection. Had the noble Lord forgotten the condition of the thousand labourers who were now living in comfort and comparative affluence in the West Indies, but who were about to be swamped by the importation of slaves from all parts of the world? Lord GEORGE BENTINCK assured Mr. Wakley that he had never advocated the importation of Coolie or African labourers without restriction. Viscount SANDON remarked, that increasing the demand for Foreign free-labour sugar had the ultimate effect of increasing the demand in the whole market for the free and the slave-grown articles together.
The discussion was adjourned till Friday.
On Wednesday, Lord GEORGE BENTINCK intimated the words of his amendment- " That in the present depressed state of sugar-cultivation in the British East Said West Indian possessions, the proposed reduction of the duty on foreign slave-grown sugar is both unjust and impolitic, as tending to cheek the advance of production by British free labour, and to give a great additional stimulus to the slave-trade" Mr. CRAVEN BERKELEY gave notice also of an amendment, but did not state the terms.
On Thursday, the CLIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER intimated that Lord John Russell would be unable to attend in his place on Friday [owing to the death of his brother, Lord William Russell] ; and the ails' cussion was therefore postponed till Monday.
On Tuesday, Lord Eliot:Karam gave notice to the Peers, that on Friday (yesterday) he should move a resolution "against the adoption of any measure which can directly or indirectly prevent the immediate abolition of the slave-trade." But the resolution has been postponed, and stands for Friday next.
POOR REMOVAL BILL.
On Thursday, Sir GEORGE GREY moved the order of the day for the Committee on the Poor Removal Bill.
Mr. WODEHOUSE moved as an amendment, that the bill be committed that day six months; assigning as a reason, that it would be better to post- pone the question till the comprehensive inquiry, promised by Ministers for next session, had been made.
The amendment was supported by Mr. HUME, Mr. PonLErr Scrtown, Mr. STRIITT, Mr. FACILE, Mr. BECKETT DENISON, Mr. HENLEY, and Mr. VERNON SMITE. The last-named gentleman urged in addition to Mr. Wodehouse's plea for postponement, that the bill would lead to the whole- sale removal of poor persons from rich to poor parishes. Perseverance with the bill was advocated by Sir GEORGE GREY, Mr. JOHN STUART WORTLEY, Colonel WOOD, and Mr. GEORGE BANKES. Mr. BROTHERTON wished it to be understood that if the bill WM postponed it did not arise from the opposition of the manufacturing interest.
Sir JAMES GRARAM gave his reasons for recommending the House to go into Committee—
He could not doubt that the bill in Represent shape would confer a boon to the person who claimed relief under it. But he did not depart from the opinion that it would be attended with considerable extra expense to the rate-payers; and that, in justice to them, it would be necessary, by future legislation, to throw the etas burden over a large area. He had not the least doubt that they would have to proceed ultimately to the establishment of Union settlementa : but at this late period of the session he thought the House would scarcely lie 'prepared to go again into that branch of the subject. On a division, the motion for going into Committee was carried, by 112 to 36.
The several clauses were then taken into consideration, and adopted with some verbal amendments.
DEATH BY ACCIDENT COMPENSATION BILL.
On Wednesday, the motion to go into Committee en the Accident Com- pensation Bill gave rise to considerable discussion. Sir FREDERICK. Trtz-
Eons assigned several reasons for advising Mr. Bouverie to withdraw the bill, so as to allow its provisions to be reconsidered—
The bill bore evidence of having been drawn up in a careless manner. An action was to hold in cases where the act of violence which caused the death of
the party amounted to manslaughter, but where it amounted to murder no action could hold. He saw no good reason for this distinction. Suppose two persons went to fight a duel, and one of them was killed, if they passed a law of this kind, making persons liable to damages who had committed an act which amounted to manslaughter, that was no reason at all why they should not extend it to the case of a person killed in a duel, and make the survivor liable to all the damages that ensued from that act; and probably it would be a very desirable mode of putting an end to that most objectionable practice. Sir Frederick men- tioned some other objectionable provisions; such as the clause which limited the proportion of the damages to one-third in the case of the widow, while two-thirds were given to the children. He made a number of suggestions for the improve- ment of the measure.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL was also in favour of delay— The principle of the bill was new to the law of England: and with regard to the suggestions of Sir Frederick Thesiger, they would carry the right to compen- sation beyond the law as it existed in Scotland, and he doubted the propriety of doing this. It might be that the party causing the accident would not only be made to provide for the widow and children of the person destroyed, but, accord- ing to the caprice of the jury, he might be called upon to provide for the payment of his debts.
After suggestions from Sir JAMES GRAHAM and the ATTORNEY-GENERAL about referring the Deodand Bill to the consideration of the Criminal Law Commissioner's, it was resolved to postpone farther discussion till Monday.
THE SEES OF Sr. ASAPH AND BANGOR.
In the House of Lords, on Monday, the Earl of Powis moved the second reading of the bill to prevent the union of the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor— The circumstances under which the union of the two sees had been sanctioned by Parliament were already well known; the revenue saved being destined to support a new bishopric of Manchester. That union had caused the greatest dis- satisfaction in Wales, and indeed throughout England. There was nothing to pre- vent the appointment of a Bishop of Blanchester, and to preserve the sees of St. Asaph and Bangor at the same time. It was well known that the union was re- commended from deference to the feelings of persons who thought that the num- ber of Bishops in the House of Lords ought not to be increased. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE resisted the motion— The utmost publicity had been given to the report of the Ecclesiastical Com- missioners recommending the union of the two sees; and the act of Parliament giving the recommendation the force of law had been accompanied in its passage through the Legislature with the usual notoriety. It should also be borne in mind, that at the head of the Commission was the Primate of all England, and that the most eminent authorities of the Church were members of it. If those eminent Prelates concurred in the arrangement, that afforded at once a negative to the charge of" reckless spoliation" which was made in one of the petitions pre- sented by the noble Earl. It was not till six years had elapsed that any fault was found with the measure. The Welsh Commissioners never objected to anything being given to Wales under the operation of the Commission: 2,0001. a year had been so given; and although the act were carried out, Wales would still profit to the extent of 5001. a year. Lord Lansdowne was prepared to assert that the Com- missioners were justified in considering that an improved arrangement of the Bishoprics of Great Britain and Wales would contribute essentially to the efficacy of the episcopal office and jurisdiction. The bishopric of Ripon had been already created, and the Commissioners had provided for a bishopric for Manchester. If the state of the population in that district were taken into account, it would at once be allowed that the Commissioners and the Government had done no more than their duty when doing all in their power speedily to establish that see of Manchester. Burke, in speaking of the population of London, said, when he con- templated the masses of poverty, vice, and crime, that were concentrated in that city, he almost looked up to heaven expecting its lightnings would fall and exer- cise an act of Divine vengeance on a mass so foul; but when he looked at the spires and public institutions raising aloft their heads in the midst of that corrupt mass, they seemed to him as so many electrical conductors to draw aside the wrath of Heaven and avert the vengeance which was impending on all around. As with London then so it was with Manchester now. To establish a bishopric of Man- chester wasAherefore, a primary condition; and, with every respect for the feel- ings of the inhabitants of the diocese of North Wales, he could not admit the claims of either of them, as a matter of expediency, compared with those which called for the establishment of a bishopric of Manchester.
The Bishop of Lownox would follow the same course he took on a for- mer occasion, and not vote either for or against the bill— As one of the Commissioners, who came reluctantly to the decision that that was not the proper time to increase the number of English Bishops, he felt bound in candour to state, that he thought the Commissioners were somewhat wanting in courage; and he believed that if they had taken longer time to deliberate upon what they were doing, the probability, he would not say the certainty, was that they would have come to a different conclusion. He thanked the Marquis of Lansdowne for the friendly feeling he had expressed towards the Church, and the encouragement he had held out on the subject of the see of Manchester. He thought that by the funds already in hand, and by subscriptions, as much might be raised in a few months as would provide an income of 3,5001. to 4,0001. for a Bishop at Manchester, without waning for a vacancy in the Welsh bishoprics. He was sorry to hear Lord Stanley on a previous occasion say that he was opposed to any increase taking place in the number of Bishops with seats in the House of Lords: he hoped be had misunderstood him. The Bishop of BANGOR supported the bill— The feeling in Wales was almost universal in its favour. He agreed in think- ing that the establishment of a new bishopric at Manchester was a matter of great importance, and that it ought not to be any longer delayed He thought means might be found of carrying this object into immediate effect without the extinction of one of the Welsh sees.
Lord STANLEY explained— •
He had never expressed an opinion in opposition to increasing the number of Bishops ; although at the period alluded to he had stated that it was not a fit time for bringing forward the question. With respect to the present bill, he did not think that Earl Powis was justified, in the existing circumstances, and con- sidering the recent formation of the Ministry, in asking their Lordships.to join with him in affirming part of the plan of the Commissioners and disaffirming the rest. If the bill were rejected, he hoped Lord Powis would, at the commencement not at the end of the session, take measures for obtaining the opinion Of Parlia- ment whether there should be an increase in the number of Bishops, and whether they should have seats in Parliament; ascertaining also to what extent that in- crease, if it were made, ought to go. The Bishop of SALISBURY suggested the withdrawal of the bill, but ex- pressed his intention to vote for it should a division take place. The Bishop of Noawicn also recommended withdrawal, and the introduction next session of a bill to create a number of Assistant or Suffragan Bishops. Earl GnErlestified to the beneficial effects which had arisen from the labours of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners— A right reverend Prelate had spoken of the improved feeling which had 'ming up towards the English Church. To a certainty that happy result had arisen from the improvements effected by the Commissioners; and to adopt the bill be- fore the House, would he to make an inroad on that system of reform which had produced such good fruits. Lord Lansdowne stated, as one of the great objec- tions to the measure, that which Lord Grey considered as an unanswerable objec- tion to the present bill, namely, that it was a partial, incomplete, and imperfect alteration of a large and extensive measure. Their Lordships had been told that upon the union of the two sees the clergy would sustain great inconvenience from the want of access to their diocesan. He was informed that a railroad was in uniting the two cities of St. Asaph and Bangor, and that an hour and a progress suffice for communication between them. With respect to giving to new Bishops a seat in the House of Lords, his own opinion was, that if a new bishopric were created, the Prelate should ttake his seat on that bench. He at-. tached a great value to the presence of Bishops in that House. The question now to be considered was, not what might be wished for by the inhabitants of some particular district, but how many ought to be added, and in what parts of the country they could be most usefully employed. Another question must be maturely considered—whether, instead of any increase in the number of Bishops properly so called, there might not be an increase in the amount of assistance provided for them by the addition of Suffragan Bishops, subordinate to the others. Looking to the great increase of the Lay Peerage, and how much smaller a pro- portion the Right Reverend Bench now bore to the total numbers of that House than they did a few years ago, he for one entertained no stropg objection, he might almost say no objection at all if from other circumstances it should appear desirable, to the introduction of a larger number of Bishops into that House. If the want of episcopal superintendence was a crying evil, he thought the want of an adequate number of parochial clergy in the country was a still more crying and a still more pressing evil. But, by adopting the present bill, they would strike directly at the possibility of making an improvement in this respect by in- creasing the number of the parochial clergy in proportion to the population. The Bishop of OXFORD expressed his regret at hearing the qualification put upon the Marquis of Lansdowne's speech by Earl Grey— The noble Marquis had referred to the weight of authority which the report of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners bore: but this ground was untenable; for the Primate had not given his vote at all; the vote of another Prelate would be given in favour of the bill; and the House had just heard from the Bishop of London that he agreed to the report because he was frightened out of that common sense which should have led him to a different conclusion. Before the time had elapsed when the changes were to be effected, the very Commissioners changed their mind. The real question was, should there ever or should there never be an in- crease of the English Episcopate. Dr. Wilberforce dwelt on the greater number of Bishops in other countries as compared with England. An argument had been urged on the ground that great facilities now existed for locomotion; that the cathedrals of Bangor and St. Asaph were united by a railroad. This argu- ment rested on an erroneous estimate of what was the true office of a Bishop. It was not by passing rapidly from place to place, or by solving legal questions with which the clergy might be embarrassed, that a Bishop was to carry out and make really felt what was the true strength and one prevailing object of his office. What were the duties and what was the character required of a Christian Bishop? That he should be foremost in every work of a faithful minister; that he should be a pastor of pastors; that whenever want was most galling or disease most pre- valent, or whenever the Gospel, with its tidings of salvation, was to be pressed upon the attention :of the needy and reluctant, the Bishop should lead the way. How were the Bishops to do this, when their days and nights were so occupied with the outward administrative parts of their office—when they were allowed to be so oppressed with secularity? No man could look into the prevailing state of things without seeing that some new, greater, and more persevering effort must be made to leaven the people with Christian principles, otherwise the laws of the land in a season of difficulty would be but cobwebs. The experience of all times showed that a prerequisite to the increase of the clergy was an increase of the Bishops. Their labours in the West Indies were in vain till a Bishop was sent there, when a clergy grew up such as had never been previously known. So in the other Colonies. If they believed this system to be of God, let them show something of faith in its efficacy. If they made an effort themselves, they would find a voice from their people cheering them on; and they would be enabled to endow and otherwise to carry out their objects. Nothing would more strengthen her Majesty's Government than for the noble Marquis to give a hearty support to this measure. He hoped for the support of other members of their Lordships' House. He thought, indeed, he was entitled to expect the votes of noble Lords of another persuasion from that of the majority of their Lordships—noble Lords who conscientiously dissented from the Church of England: he asked for their sup- port, because the supporters of this bill were not calling on Parliament to give money to the Church of England, although it was the church of fifteen out of eighteen millions of the people: they were only asking to be armed with the power which the Church to which those noble Lords themselves belonged possessed, of increasing its material establishment. For the sake of the common truths which they held together, he asked them not to impede the objects of the supporters of this bill, when they sought to increase the machinery of the Church and purify the Establishment. The House divided—For the bill, 38; against it, 28; majority for the bill, 10. Proxies were not called.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE then made this intimation- " After the decision of the House, it is not my intention to offer any further opposition to the bill. The noble Lord will take his own course as to the expe- diency of proceeding. I merely wish it to be understood, that if I do not con- tinue my opposition, it is not that I have altered my conviction."
THE ARMY OF THE SUTLEJ. On Thursday, the Speaker read to the House two letters from Viscount Hardinge, acknowledging the receipt of the resolutions conveying the thanks of the Commons to himself', the officers, and the Army of the Sutlej.
ELEcrios COMPROMISES. The Select Committee appointed to inquire into a question arising out of the decision given by the Bridport Election Committee have made their report. It will be recollected that, upon one Welch's evidence, the vote of William Beckett was transferred from Mr. Cochrane to Mr. Remaly, thereby giving the latter a majority of one. The Committee give it as the result of their investigation, that William Beckett did vote for Mr. Cochrane, and that Welch was wrong in stating that the vote was given for Romilly. The Com- mittee exonerate Welch from having made the mistake intentionally. They also report that the reason why evidence was not brought forward to rebut the asser- tion of Welch was, that an agreement to that effect bad been entered into by the counsel on each side; Mr. Cochrane having declined to submit to the ordeal of a scrutiny, and thereby giving up the seat to Mr. Rornilly. The Committee regret that, by the decision of the House of Commons, they were precluded from going into the question of bribery. It comes out incidentally, that one elector got 101. not to vote, and subsequently the like sum to vote. REPEAL OF THE Utsrox. On Thursday, Mr. O'CoNicum gave notice that early next session, he would move for, the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the manner in v hich the Union between Great Britain and Ireland has been brought about and carried into effect.
RECURRENCE OF THE POTATe DISEASE IN IRELAND. In reply to Mr. O'Coxtratm., on Thursday, Mr. Lasoncnsitz said, there is a prospect of an ex- Cellent crop in Ireland of everything save the potato, which has suffered seriously from a recurrence of the disease that prevailed last year. The anxious attention of the Government is directed to the probable consequences.
THE INQUEST CASE OF MILITARY FLOGGING. On Monday, Mr. Fox MAULE replied to a question put by Dr. BOWRING relative to the alleged death of a soldier at Hounslow from flogging. Frederick White had struck a non-commissioned officer in the performance of his duty, and was sentenced to receive 150 lashes. The sentence was confirmed by the Commander-in-chief; and the lashes were indicted, the usual medical certificate having been previously received that the man was in a fit state to undergo the punishment. During the infliction of the punishment there was no suggestion by the surgeon to suspend it. After it was over, the man was removed to the hospital; where he remained till he was declared fit for duty. He was actually doing fatigue-duty when Colonel Whyte, the com- manding officer, received information that the man was dangerously ill; and he died before Colonel Whyte was able to send additional medical assistance. A Rost morten examination took place; at which two surgeons, sent down by the Horse Guards, in addition to Dr. Warren, assisted; and the report upon that post naortent examination was to the effect that the punishment had not the smallest thing to do with the cause of the man's death. As the public had been very much horrified by the report that a large piece of skin had been removed from the man's back by the flogging, Mr. Manta thought it necessary to mention, that that piece of skin was removed after death, by surgical operation, for the purpose of examining whether the punishment inflicted had been in any way the cause of death.
FLOGGING IN THE NAVY. On Monday, Mr. WILLIAMS called attention to the system which prevailed in the Navy of inflicting corporal punishment without any kind of trial. In the Army no soldier could be punished without trial by court-martial; but the sailor could be punished at the whim of his captain. It was this system which had rendered the Navy so unpopular. He thought that there were just as good materials for a court-martial on board ships as in a gar- rison. Mr. WARD reminded Mr. Williams that the present Board of Admiralty had only been a few days in office. The question of corporal punishment had not yet come before them; and when it did it would meet with the utmost attention. Taking the admission of Mr. Williams himself, that there mast be a system of punishment where a large number of men were brought together in one vessel, it was clear that the good sense of the honourable Member would tell him that sum- mary punishment must exist. As for himself, he must say that a greater curse to the service never existed than the old system of arbitrary punishments. But, if the honourable Member would look into the question as it stood, he would find that the improvement in the Naval service had kept pace with that in the Civil and other departments of the state. Mr. IIUME inquired if there was any inten- tion to reconsider the Articles of War? lie thought a court-martial of three officers would be an improvement on the present system. Sir GEORGE COCKBURN quoted a minute which had been recently issued, to show that no great N_punish- m could uld be inflicted without proper responsibility. Sir CHARLES APIER sisserted that the men in the merchant-service had a greater horror of the Navy than they ever had; and it was absolutely necessary to take some steps to do away with it.
TRANSPORTATION TO VAN DIEMEN'S LAND. On Monday, Mr. EWART moved that it is expedient that the practice of making Van Diemen's Land a general receptacle for convicts should cease; and that transportation be discon- tinued as a punishment, and be maintained only as a supplement to the previous punishment of imprisonment. Considering, however, the position of the Govern- ment, he was inclined to leavg,tile question in their hands; trusting they would attend to it, and effect a reatUlforta of the present odious and impolitic system. Sir GEORGE GREY assured Mr. Ewart that the subject was engaging the serious attention of the Government. In the mean time, transportation to Van Diemen's Land had been suspended by the act of the late Government.
PRINCE CZARTORYSICI. On Tuesday, Lord BROUGHAM adverted in the House of Lords to the rumour that the property of Prince Czartoryski had been confiscated by the Austrian Government. He hoped the report would prove to be unfounded. The reputed offence was the address of the Prince to his countrymen in Paris: but this supplied no ground of offence at all, for the Prince used only those words and those expressions which he was justified in using. There could be no doubt that the Prince disapproved as much as Lord Brougham did of that insane and inexcusable attempt which had recently been made by the' Poles to shake the Austrian Government. There was in this country a great degree of sympathy for the Prince, and it would be very satis- factory if Lord Lansdowne, now or on a future day, could inform their Lordships as to the truth of what had been stated. The Marquis of LAwsnovnin concurred in the sentiments expressed by Lord Brougham, especially as regarded the fortunes of Prince Czartoryski: but with respect to the question what information might be in the possession of her Majesty's Government on this subject, he would, before giving a reply, beg leave to communicate with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs.
On Thursday, Lord LANSDOWNE mentioned the result of his inquiries. No official information had been communicated by the Austrian Government on the subject of the unfortunate occurrences which had taken place in Gallicia ; but, from authentic information received otherwise, a disposition to deal as leniently as possible with implicated parties had been exhibited by that Government.
THE OREGON TREATY.
Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the *United States of America, deeming it to be cleanable, for the future welfare of both countries, that the state of doubt and uncertainty which has hitherto prevailed respect- ing the sovereignty and government of the territory on the North-west coast of America, lying Westward of the Rocky or Stony Mountains, should be finally terminated by an amicable compromise of the rights mutually asserted by the two parties over the said territory, have respectively named plenipotenUaries to treat and agree concerning the terms of such settlement: that Is to say— Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland has, on her part, appointed the Right Honourable Richard Pakenham, a member of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and her Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States ; and the President of the United States of America has, on his part, furnished with full powers, James Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States ; who, after having communicated to each other their respec- tive fall powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon and concluded the following articles.
Art. I. From the point on the forty-ninth parallel of North latitude, where the boundary laid down in existing treaties and conventions between Great Britain and the United States terminates, the line of boundary between the territories of her Britannic Majesty and those of the United States shall be continued Westward along the said forty-ninth parallel of North latitude to the middle of the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver's Island; and thence Southerly, through the middle of the said channel, and of Fuca's Straits, to the Pacific Ocean : provided, however, that the navigation of the whole of the said channel and straits South of the forty-ninth parallel Of North latitude remain free and open to both parties.
Art. II. From the point at which the forty-ninth parallel of North latitude shall be found to intersect the great Northern branch of the Columbia river, the navigation of the said branch shall be free and open to the Hudson's Bay Company, and to all British subjects trading with the same, to the point where the said branch meets the main stream of the Columbia, and thence down the said main stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river or rivers ; it being understood, that all the usual Portages along the line thus described shall in like manner be free and open. In navigating the said river or rivers, British subjects, with their goods and produce, Shan be treated on the same footing as citizens of the United States ; it being, however, always understood, that nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or in- tended to prevent, the Government of the United States from mating any regulations respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers not inconsistent with the present
Art. III. In the Mare appropriation of the territory South of the forty-ninth parallel of North latitude, as provided in the first article of this treaty, the possessory rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, and of all British subjects who may be already in the oc- cupation of land or other property !sweetly acquired within the said territory, Shall be respected.
Art. IV. The farms, lands, and other property of every description, belonging to the Puget's Sound Agricultural Company, on the North side of the Columbia river, shall be confirmed to the said Company. In ease, however, the situation of those farms and lands should be considered by the United States to be of public and political importance, and the United States Government should signify a desire to obtain possession of the whole or any part thereof, the property so required shall be transferred to the said Go- vernment at a proper valuation, to be agreed upon between the parties. Art. V. The present treaty shall be ratified by her Britannic Majesty, and by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate there- of; and the ratification shall be exchanged at London at the expiration of six months from the date hereof, or sooner if possible. In witness whereof, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed the same, and have affixed thereto the seals of their arms.
Done at Washington on the 15th day of June In the year of our Lord 1846.
RICHARD PAICENHAY. (LX-) JAsam BUCJHANAN. (L.S.) RESOLUTIONS TO BE PROPOSED BY LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
1. That towards raising the supply granted to her Majesty the following duties shall, from and to the respective days herein mentioned, be charged on sugar and molasses imported into the United Kingdom : that is to say— On sugar the growth and produce of any British possession in America,
or of any British possession within the limits of the East India Com- pany's charter, into which the importation of Foreign sugar is prohibited, and imported from thence, from the 5th day of September 1846-
Double-refined sugar, or sugar equal in quality to double-refined„ for every X S. d. hundredweight 1 1 0 Other refined sugar, or sugar rendered by any process equal in quality thereto, for every hundredweight 0 18 8 White Clayed sugar, or sugar rendered by any process equal in quality to white clayed, not being refined, for every hundredweight 0 16 4 Brown sugar, being Iduscovado or clayed, or any other sugar not being equal in quality to white clayed, for every hundredweight 0 14 0 Candy, brown, for every hundredweight 1 6 0 Candy, white, for every hundredweight 1 15 0 Molasses, for every hundredweight 0 5 On sugar the growth and produce of any other British possession within the limits of the East India Company's charter, from the 5th day of September 1846— White clayed sugar, or sugar rendered by any process equal in quality to white clayed, not being refined, for every hundredweight 1 1 0 Brown sugar being muscovado or cloyed, or any sugar not being equal in qua- lity to white cloyed, for every hundredweight 0 1E1 8 On sugar the growth and produce of any foreign country, and which shall be Imported into the United Kingdom either from the country of its growth or from some British possession, having first been Imported into such British possession from the country of its growth— Prose July 5.
The same du- ties as on sugar the produce of the British Colonies. -
£ a. d.
120 8 8 0 The mune du- ty as on molasses the produce of the British Colonies.
2. That the bounties or drawbacks following be paid and allowed upon the ex- portation of certain descriptions of refined sugar from the United Kingdom: that
1 0 0
0 17 0
0 14 0
From From From From From
Sept. 6, July 5, July 6, July 5, July 5, 1816, to 1847, to 1846, to 1849, to 1830, to July 5, July a, July a, Jralloa, July S, 1847. 1848. 1840. 1861.
gar, or sugar equal in quality tojlouble refined, Double-refined su- Lad. X a. d. Lad, X s..d. X a. d.
for every evrt 111 6 110 0 I 7 9 1 5 6 1 3 1 Other refined su- gar, or sugar ren- dered by any pro- cess equal in qua- Rty .thereto, for every cwt 1 8 0 16.8 1 4 8 _ 1 2 8 1 0 8 White cloyed su- gar, or sugar ren-, dered by anypro- cess equal in qua- My to white cloy- ed, not being re- fined, for every cwt 1 4 6 1 3 4 I I 7 0 16 10 0161 muscovado, or clayed, or any other sugar, not being equal in quality to white clayed, for every Brown sugar, being owl. 1 1 0 I 0 0 0 18 6 0 17 3 0 15 6 Candy, brown, for every cwt 5 12 0 5 12 0 5 12 0 5 12 0 5120 Candy, white, for every cwt. ..•• 8 8 0 8 8 0 8 8 0 8 8 0 8 8 0 Molasses, for every Cwt 0710 0 7 6 0611 0 6 4 0 5 9 is to say— Upon double-refined sugar, or sugar equal in quality to double-refined, for every hundredweight Upon other refined sugar in loaf, complete and whole, or lumps duly refined, having been perfectly clarified and thoroughly dried on the stove, and Wog of an uniform whiteness throughout, or such sugar pounded, crushed, or
broken, for every hundredweight Upon bastard or refined sugar, broken in pieces, or being ground, or powdered sugar pounded, or crushed, or broken, for every hundredweight