Edda unh rurhing iiVarlintratit.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Horn OP LORDS. Monday, March 20. Coasting Trade Bill passed. Tuesday, March 21. Manning the Navy; Lord Rilenborougles Objectione—Porage Fraud—Mutiny Bills passed. 77stirsday, March 23. Royal Assent to Consolidated Fund (8000,0000 Bill, Ex- chequer Bills (1,700,000i.) Bill, Coasting Trade Bill, and Mutiny Bills—Manning the Navy ; Lord Ellenborough's Appeal to the Tyne Seatnen—Ohurelr-Building Act Con- tinuation B111, read a first time. Friday, March 24, Common Law Procedure ; the Lord Chancellor's Bill read a second time, and referred to a Select Committee—Prayer tot-Our Armies; Lord Char- carty's Question and Lord Aberdeen's Answer.

Hausa or COMMON& Monday, March 20. 'Netv Writ for Durham—Ways and Mesas; Income-tax Resolution agreed to—Ministers-Money Bill, read a second time—Colonial Clergy Disabilities; the Solicitor-General's Bill, read a second time —Prevention of Bribery at Elections; the Attonftepeaneral's Bill, leave given. Tuesday, March 21. Carlisle Canonries; Fergueon's Bill, leave given—Irish Bankruptcy Law ; Mr. Cairns's Bill, leave given—High Treason (Ireland) Bill read a second time—Income-tax Resolution reported; debate on Sir Henry Willoughby's Amendment. Wednesday, March 22. Income-tax Bill read a first time—Simony Law Amend- ment ; Mr. R. Phillim` ore's Bill thrown eaff--PaymeDirof Wages (Hosiery); Sir H, Halford's Bill lead a second Hine—Bankruptcy (Berland) bill read a first time—Car- lisle Canonries; Mr. Ferguson's bill read a fitst tithe. Thursday, March 23. Gaming-houses ; Attorney-General's Bill, leave given—. Mortmain; Mr. Ileadlam's Bill read a first time—Income-tax Bill read a second time without opposition—Medical Practitioners ; Mr. Brady's Bill read a second time—New Writ for Liskeard. Friday, March 24. Officers' Uniform; Question and Answer—Law of Settlement and Removal; Debate on second reading of Mr. Baines's Bill, adjourned—Income- tax Bill committed.

TIME- TABLE,

The Lords.

Hour of Hoar of

Meeting. Adjournment.

The Common*.

Hour of Row of

Meeting. Adjotarnment.

Monday 6h . 6h Om Monday ., 411 11h 41,n Tuesday 6h .... 6h 55m Tuesday ....... 4h .(m) 31, 16m Wednesday No sitting. Wednesday

Noon... .. eh 47m

Thursday . gh 30r0 Thursday 9h 6h 30m Friday 5h .. 71, Om Friday 4h . (el) 121,43m Sittings this Week, 4; Time, 5h 25m Sittings this Week, this Session, —

5; Time, 8611 In

Session, Si; — 68h 221h 39; — 222h 9m — this

THE Lccore-Tex.

The House went into Committee of Ways and Means on Monday, and the Chairman read the following resolution- " That it is the opinion of this Committee, that towards raising the sup- ply granted to her Majeitty, there shall be charged and raised for the year commencing on the 6th day of April 1851, for and in respect of all property, profits, and gains, chargeable in or for the said year with the rates and duties granted by the act 16 and 17 Victoria, chap. 34, additional rates and duties amounting to one moiety of the whole of the duties which by virtue of the said act shall be charged and assessed, or shall become payable under any contract of composition or otherwise, in respect of such property, profits, and gains respectively for the said year ; and that the whole amount of the said additional duties shall be collected and paid with, and over and above, the first moiety of the duties assessed or charged by virtue of the said set for the year aforesaid." Sir Henry Willoughby had given notice of an amendment to omit the last clause of the resolution, so as to spread the additional assessment over the whole year, instead of levying in the first half-year. But Sir Henry was absent. *len the question was put, some Members cried "10 I." and preparations were made for a division ; but when the question was again put, the " Noes " were silent, and the resolution was passed, un- opposed. Sir Henry Willoughby, who appeared soon after the doors were thrown open, was received with general laughter and cheers.

Next day, when the report was brought up, Sir limuty Wrrioucasx moved his amendment ; and thus led to desultory debate. His complaint was, that but for the unlucky conversion scheme, Mr. Gladstone would have had ample funds in hand ; and there would have been no need for urgent measures. In fact, he did not see, from the financial statement, that there was any occasion for the demanded increase of the Income- tax. To impose the whole burden of the war upon certain classes, would be not taxation but confiscation. Sir Henry complained that Mr. Glad- stone had laid hold of 1,200,000/. of Savings-banks money to pay off Exchequer Bills, and had afterwards converted them into new Three per Cent Stock.

Mr. FRKNCIC seconded the amendment.

The diffuse discussion that followed related almost entirely to past transactions. Mr. HANKBY condemned the policy of reducing the public balances ; of lowering the rate of interest on Exchequer Bills, which Mr. Gladstone had been obliged to prop up by entering the market himself and buying Exchequer Bills ; of having recourse to the Bank for advances, which might be inconvenient to that establishment. He also expressed an opinion that Mr. Gladstone had understated his require- ments when he said he should want only 4,500,0004 Mr. WILLtims defended the policy of Mr. Gladstone. Mr. SPOONER spoke an essay on the "Birmingham school" of finance. Mr. HuniE characterized the atnendinerit as unimportant, arid the Bank Act of 1844 as a most unwise measure. Mr. CAYLEY discussed the Bank Act : however powerful the Emperor of Russia may be, he will not be so fatal an enemy as the Act of 1844. Mr. Lanza defended that act ; and approved of the increased Income-tax, as it would be the means of raising the balances, reduced lower than is desirable. Mr. MaLum argued against the Income-tax and the Bank Act of 1844, and enlarged on the dangers of the efflux of gold. Sir FRANCIS BARING pointed out, that the proposition before the House had been swamped by a 'mistimed discussion on the Bank Act. That subject should be taken by itself ; and his side of the House do not treat it lightly, as some Members seemed to think. With respect to the increase of the Income-tax, he thought it was the best arrangement that could be made : it only disturbs the temper, whereas an indirect tax disturbs whole trades.

Sir Frrznov KEMPF revived the old discussion respecting the convex.- Ilion plan; setting the loss by that plan at 720,000f; and chataoterizing Mr. Gladstone as an inefficient Minister. Mr. GRACH praised the Bank Act.

The favourite time for oratorical display having now arrived, Mr. Dm- B.A.ELI got up, and made a three-hours speech de omnibus, but chiefly aimed against Mr. Gladstone. There are two questions, he said, before the House,—the proposed increase of the Income-tax, and Sir Henry WiRonghby's amendment. The former topic could not be discussed without entering upon the policy of her Majes- ty's .Government; and that opportunity was not eonvement—the forms of the House would not permit it. He reminded the House, that when the extraordinary demands were made, certain papers were laid on the table to explain the causes of that contingency; but that new matter bad subse- quently been produced,—not indeed, by the generous liberality of the Go- vernment; and that increased information had given a new aspect to the circumstances which they supposed had been entirely placed before them. This led him to guard himself from any approval of the proposition for in7 creased taxation. A clear ease of necessity had not been proved ; for they had two sets of papers before them, conveying different and distinct im- pressions. His 'would not admit that there is any necessity for increased taxation; and, said lie "for this simple reason—that I myself am utterly at a loss to know whether we are .,going to war--;(" Oh, oh ")—and if we are ping to war, what are we gem; to war for.' He did not invite die- CUSEDOR on the subject; all he wished was, not to preclude himself from °e- jecting to the pohey which the 'bill would Wing into -nation. After this lengthened preface, Mr. Disraeli entered upon points of differ- ence between himself and Mr. Gladstone with reference to a former debate; reciting much of his own speech on that occasion, and charging Mr. Glad- stone with taking unnecessary offence at his remarks and treating them as a personal attack. Mr. Disraeli had asserted that Consols fell from 101}, when Lord Derby left office, to 99.1 on the 8th February 1853; to which Mr. Glad- stone replied that the difference represented the payment of the dividends. Mr. Disraeli took great pains to show that the quotations he made were ,‘ ex dividend," and with great exultation paraded the statement in detail ; charging Mr. Gladstone with using unseemly and discourteous taunts, and making unauthorized statements to serve the unworthy purpose of an even- ing. Repeating the warnings—fall of Consols, rapid rise of discount, efflux of bullion, fall of premium on Exohequer Bills—all which he affirmed should have made a prudent man hesitate before he tampered with the un- funded debt of this country, Mr. Disraeli declared that "a more rash, a more improvident, a more superficial course," was never taken. He revived the controversy as to the saving or loss on the reduction of the interest on Exchequer Bills ; insisting that the loss on Mr. Gladstone's operations would be 36,000/. Then how much had been paid as interest on the Deficiency Bills, which supplied the place of the balances taken to pay off Exchequer Bills? At very great length Mr. Disraeli repeated his statements respecting the warnings received by Mr. Gladstone previously to his dealing with the funded debt—adding over-trading, and the signs of a bad harvest.

He also made a point out of the secret despatches; insisting that if Mr. Gladstone did not read them, then he was unworthy of confidence ; and if he did, then with the certainty of war before him, "to come forward with the project of last year to deal with the funded and unfunded debt, is the most marvellous conception that ever yet occurred to the adventurous spirit of a young Minister of Finance." He demanded "explanations," asking whether in possession of that "dark secret," now made manifest, Mr. Gladstone was justified in his course ? After more talk about the "balances," Mr. Disraeli attaoked the principle that the war supplies should be raised within the year, and predicted that Mr. Gladstone would be forced to propose a loan. [At this part of the speech cries of "Divide ."' were heard at intervals.]

Leaving the financial topics, Mr. Disraeli assumed that he should be met with the retort—why not move a vote of want of confidence ? To this he replied that it is unnecessary—that it would stultify the House ; for Ministers have shown that they have no confidence in each other. If they had confidence in each other, why not go on with the Reform Bill, their Education schemes, their championship of the Protestant cause ? The war was a coalition war. "After considerable vacillation and perplexity, you are at last going to war with an enemy. who does not want to fight, and whom you are unwilling to encounter. What a mess for a great country—and all brought about by such a mass of administrative ability ! Why, Sir, this question about Exchequer Bills, and, indeed, all the little escapades of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, would have been soon forgotten, and perhaps easily forgiven; for, after all, what is the failure of his conversion scheme when compared with the terrible event brought about by the combination of geniuses before me ?" With respect to the motion before the House, it would only increase the embarrassment of the Chancellor of the Exchequer : he was unwilling to do that, and hoped Sir Henry Willoughby would hesitate before he divided the House. (" Oh !" and laughter.) "Do honourable gentlemen opposite wish me to propose a vote of no confidence ? I will, then, on fair conditions, which every gentleman will approve of, accept the challenge ; and I pledge myself to propose a vote of want of confidence in her Majesty's present Ad- ministration the moment the Government offer any satisfactory proof that they have any confidence in -themselves." (Laughter and cheers.) Mr. GrAnsvoNE commenced a brief reply, which he promised should not exceed a quarter of the length of Mr. Disraeli's attack, with this retro- spective recital—

"If there are now present any gentlemen who, like myself, have sat in this House to hear this debate since half-past five o'clock,* I think they will admit that, at least, it has served one useful purpose ; for it has illustrated more signally than any discussion that I can remember the truly English principle of freedom of debate. Sir, it being my duty to notice on the part of the Government the topics that might come under the view of honourable gentlemen in the course of the evening, it has occurred to me whether I should not shorten my labour if, instead of trying to enumerate the topics which have been detailed tonight, I should take the negative side of the question, and refer to those comparatively few subjects which have not been noticed. The right honourable gentleman says that the hour is still incon- veniently early—I am afraid it would not do for me to act upon that assump- tion; but I have a certain duty to discharge : we have had discussed tonight —and these are only a few of the principal questions—savings-banks and the management of the great fund connected with them, the constitution of the National Debt Commission, the balances in the Exchequer, the interest on and policy -with respect to Exchequer Bills, the relations of the Govern- ment and the Bank, the proper rules with regard to Deficiency Bills, the plan for the government of the National Debt, the Bank Act of 1844, the mode of establishing a currency free from the influence of foreign exchanges, the comparative merits of direct and indirect taxation, the foreign policy of the Government, and the education of the country. And there is yet one other subject which has been touched slightly ; here and there, there has been a faint allusion just perceptible to the amendment of the honourable Baronet. The right honourable gentleman who has just sat down has closed his speech with a% allusion to that amendment, and does not seem to like to challenge a vote of the House upon the financial propositions of the Government, more than upon any others of their acts."

Mr. Disraeli had spoken of having been met with unseemly and discour- teous taunts: but he was not the man, of all others, who had been sparing in their use either with reference to things or persons. If he had cause to find fault, why did he not appeal to the chair at the moment, instead of retaining the grudge and grievance for a fortnight in his bosom, and making it the subject of one of his thousand declamatory periods ? "If I were guilty of the conduct imputed to me, with regard to him or anybody, I am sorry that an early opportunity was not given me for expressing regret for Passing to other matters, Mr. Gladstone said that there was not much occasion for Mr. Disraeli to guard himself against approving of the Govern- ment financial measures; for he always disapproved, and did what he could to diminish the resources of the Exchequer. Though he has reserved to himself the liberty of objecting to the financial propositions of the Govern- ment on the ground that he does not consider any clear necessity for granting increased taxation, he has been a party to raising the expenditure three millions above the receipts. Then, how was it he referred to that ill- clamed topic, which he knew perfectly well that he would not be challenged unon—want of confidence ? Ought a vote of want of confidence to be spared on the ground that Ministers have "no confidence in each other" ?—the strongest conceivable reason for ,moving such a vote. "I tell the right honourable gentleman this, that if! had possessed his great powers of oratory, and had held his position in this House, I would rather have forfeited both, than, after making such an elaborate argument, have conducted it-to such a recreant conolusion."

• When Mr. Gladstone rose, it was nearly half-past one in the morning Mr. Gladstone then went into the old subjects of debate—his financial policy of last year—in refutation of Mr. Disraeli's statements- telling him, that but for the precariousness of his position when in office, he ought him- self to have reduced the interest on Exchequer Bills, long before Mr. Gladstone attempted it. This course was dictated by known rules, inde- pendently of temporary fluctuations in the rate of interest ; and now, while the rate on these securities in England has only doubled, it has tripled in France. With some humour, Mr. Gladstone gave the returns for the last three quarters as to the "large sums" paid for Deficiency Bills : for the first quarter it was 621.. for the second 770/., for the third 4811.; and he affected alarm at the appalling description given of the finances, while he showed that Consols rose instead of falling after one of Mr. Disraeli's damaging speeches! He described the perfect independence of the relations between the Government and the Bank ; answered briefly some statements made in debate ; and vindicated the policy he proposed to pursue with respect to raising the supplies for the war within the year. Sir HENRY WH.LOUGHBY withdrew his amendment ; the report was agreed to, and the bill was ordered to be brought in.

The bill has since been read a first and a second time, without op- position.

THE COLONIAL CHURCH.

When the SOLICTTOR-GENERAL moved the second reading of the Colonial Clergy Disabilities Bill, Mr. HADFIELD moved as an amendment, that the bill be read that day six months ; arguing that it was calculated to alarm the colonists, who are jealous of the interference of the Imperial Govern- ment in spiritual affairs.

Sir JOHN PAKINGTON admitted that it is necessary to give the members of the Colonial Church all the additional freedom of action in the manage- ment of their affairs consistent with the unity of the Church and the Con- stitutional authority of the Crown. Parliament can no longer disregard the demands of the Colonial Church. He should therefore not oppose the second reading : but he would in Committee move amendments with re- gard to the supremacy of the Crown, and to the unity of the Church, taking care that no power should be given to alter the standards of faith, and providing an appeal to this country.

The measure was opposed by Mr. WARNER, and supported by Mr. R. PHILLI3IORE. Mr. HOME and Sir GEORGE GREY asked for information as to the legal effect of the measure. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL explained, that under a statute of Henry the Eighth the clergy are prohibited from holding any meeting whatever. There were then no colonies ; but in the reign of Elizabeth an act was

passed extending the supremacy of the Crown to all colonies and posses- sions; so that clergymen in the Colonies are bound by the tic of allegi- ance. Under these circumstances, the clergy cannot do what every other religious community has the power of doing ; and it has become necessary to place them in the same position as Dissenting ministers, and to give them the liberty of meeting for the purpose of regulating the temporali- ties of their church. Again, a clergyman can be dismissed at the plea- sure of a bishop, without trial. Under the bill, it would be competent for a meeting of the clergy and laity assembled in any colony to do by agreement everything which it is lawful for them to do ; but it would not be competent for them, by virtue of mutual consent, to do anything of an illegal nature, or anything which would in the slightest degree af- fect or impair the law of the land : the whole object of the bill in short is to free the Colonial Church from a disability under which it labours, but not in any way to give the Colonial clergy and laity assembled at a meeting the power of interfering with the laws of the realm. They would be no more able to affect the supremacy of the Crown than to ex- empt themselves from the operation of the law.

Mr. THOMAS CHAMBERS, MT. KINNAIRD, and Mr. MULL opposed, while Mr. WALPOLE supported the second reading. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, replying to objections, pointed out that the Church of Rome, the Church of Scotland, and the Wesleyans, have important relations with their churches in the Colonies ; and it would be unjust if the members of the Church of England in the Colonies were pro- hibited from a similar connexion with the Church in this country. While it is quite right to maintain the disabilities now attaching to the Established Church in England, it would be quite right to relieve the members of the Colonial Church of the disabilities attaching to them.

The House, on a division, negatived the amendment by 196 to 62; and the bill was read a second time.

SIMONY.

In moving the second reading of the Simony Law Amendment Bill, Mr. R. PHILLLMORE stated that the sole object of the measure was to ren- der illegal the sale of the next presentation of any ecclesiastical benefice. At some length he explained what had been done in times past to pre vent simony, and showed the objectionable state of the present law, un- der which that is indirectly committed which is directly forbidden. Mr. G. Burr met the motion by an amendment, that the bill be read that day six months ; on the ground that it would interfere with pro- perty, that it would destroy lay patronage, and that if the principle were sound it should be also applied to advowsons. Sir Wituan HEATI1COTE defended the purchase of advowsons, but objected to the purchase of next presentations. He denied that the bill would destroy, on the contrary it would secure, lay patronage. Sir GEORGE GREY argued, that the bishops ought to check the presentation of aged and incompetent incumbents ; and that there is no evil in the sale of next presentations,—a kind of pro- perty which has been recognized by the law of England for a great num- ber of years. Lord GODERICH, supporting the motion, pointed out that under the law as it stands parishioners have no remedy against the ap- pointment of unfit persons ; and that the bishop can only refuse to in- stitute for causes which would empower him to deprive. Mr. NAPIER, the Arrolusur-Gosrons; Mr. WHITESIDE, and others, opposed the bill; and on a division it was thrown out, by 138 to 52.

MINISTERS' MONEY.

On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Mx. Mux.a moved as an amendment, that the bill be read a second time that day six months : his objection was that the bill was a compromise, and that the tax ought to be entirely abolished. Mr. HUME seconded the amendment. On a division, it was negatived by 203 to 97; and the bill was read a second time.

Canimix CANONRIES.

MT. FERGUSON obtained leave to bring in a bill to appropriate the in- come of the next vacant Canonry of Carlisle Cathedral to the augmenta- tion of the incumbencies of that city. The income of the Canons has in- creased from 221. 58. in -the reign of Henry the Eighth to 1001. a year.

The income of the Dean is 1400/. a year. But the income of all the in- cumbents is only 5341. a year. The inhabitants of Carlisle, feeling the injustice of the present system, ask Parliament to appropriate the next vacant canonry to augment the income of the incumbents.

THE CORRUPT BOROUGHS.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL has obtained leave to bring in bills for the prevention of bribery in the election of Members to serve in Parliament for the city of Canterbury, and for the boroughs of Cambridge, Barnstaple, Xingston-upon-Hull, and Maldon. As the basis of his motion, he took the reports of the Bribery Commissioners seriatim, to show the extent and nature of the bribery at these boroughs. The constituency of Can- terbury consists of 673 householders and 946 freemen : bribery took the -form of colour-tickets, 108. each, and direct bribery, in some cases at 101. a head : in 1847, out of 1500 voters 155 received direct money bribes; in 1852, out of 1340 who polled, 19 were bribed. At Barnstaple, in 1852, out of 696 voters, 256 received direct money bribes : at this borough "lists" were prepared, and those who put down their names "found" sums of money. At Maldon, an extensive system of corruption prevailed : in 1847, no less than 21501. was paid for beer ; in 1852, 75 persons received direct bribes. At Kingston-upon-Hull, the colour sys- tem prevailed : in 1841, 1300 out of 3583 voters were bribed ; in 1847, 1175 out of 3618; in 1852, 1350 out of 3983. At Cambridge, the noto- rious Samuel Long had, since the Reform Bill, organized a system of direct bribery, carried out in 1840, '41, '43 '45, '47, and '52: at this last election, out of 1546 voters, 111 were directly bribed. What should be done to correct these evils ? General legislation had _failed, and the only alternative was special legislation. He proposed, therefore, not to disfranchise the whole borough, but to remove the corrupt portion and leave the sound residue ; in other words, to disfranchise the per- sons reported as having been guilty of bribery, and those also who had been bribed. It was said that those electors who had been reported guilty of bribery could not be dealt with, because they had been examined under the promise of an indemnity. But he contended that the indemnity only extended to penal consequences. Sudbury and St. Albans had been disfranchised, yet the evidence was obtained under a promise of indemnity. The 9th section of the act, authorizing the appointment of commissions, provided that any person "who is examined as a witness, and gives evidence touching such corrupt practice before the Commissioners appointed under this act to make such inquiry, and who, upon such examination makes a true discovery, to the beat of his knowledge, touching all things to which he is so examined, shall be freed from all penal actions, forfeitures, punishments, disabilities, and incapacities, and all criminal prosecutions to which he may have been or may become liable or subject at the suit of her Majesty, her heirs, or successors, or any other person, for anything done by such person or persons in respect of such corrupt practice." That only applied to penal consequences. If Parliament had not in- tended to apply the remedy, why were the Commissioners directed to re- port the names ? Mr. Carazis led the opposition to the motion ; contending that it would be a breach of faith ; that the indemnity gave protection against the de- privation of civil rights as well as against criminal prosecution ; and that if the proposed measure were carried out nobody would give evidence in future. In these views he was supported by Sir Joni' HARMER ; while Mr. KENNEDY and Mr. MASSEY supported the motion.

Mr. NAPIER said he took his stand on the indemnity clause, because that went on the old-established principle that no man could criminate himself. Mr. WHITESIDE took a similar view ; and insisted that by the words of the act all witnesses were freed "from all penal actions, from forfeitures, from punishment, from disabilities, and from incapacities."

The Soucrron-Gasznat, regretting these conflicts of opinion as tend- ing to diminish the confidence of the public in the sincerity of lawyers, -said that Mr. Whiteside's reading of the clause, however independent and original it might be' was not according to those grammatical rules which generally prevail, at least in this country. The concluding words of the clause must be read with it, as they show not only the meaning of the clause but the protection extended to the witness.

Mr. WALPOLE, repeating the arguments before adduced by Mr. Cairns, Mr. Napier, and Mr. Whiteside, protested very solemnly against violating -the law by obtaining evidence under the assurance of indemnity, and then taking away the votes of the witnesses, which they thought they should not lose by reason of that indemnity. Challenged by the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, Sir Frrzuov KELLY sustained the views taken by the Opposition, and pleaded, at some length, that the bill would inflict pains and penalties upon an unprecedented number of persons who had never been tried. He characterized the measure as "a delusion, a deception, and a fraud."

The House divided, and the motion for leave was carried, by 189 to 118.

PAYMENT OP WAGES (HOSIERY) BILL.

Sir HENRY HALPORD moved the second reading of this bill ; explaining that it was intended to prevent the stoppage of the rent of frames, used by the framework-knitters, from their wages. The frames used belong to all kinds of persons, who let them out to middlemen, who again let them to the operatives, at exorbitant and capricious rents. It is a very old grievance. Sir WILLIssi CLAY moved that the bill be read that day six months.

A discussion arose as to the policy of interfering between masters and men. Sir Josnos WALMSLEY, Mr. PACKE, Mr. T. DUNCOMBE, and Mr. Comorrr, supported, while Mr. WILKINSON, Sir GEORGE STarcaLAND, Mr. LABOUCHERB, and Mr. BOUYERIE, opposed the bill. Appealed to by Mr. DUNCOMBE, Mr. Frrznov said that Lord Palmerston would con- sent that the bill should be read a second time and referred to a Select Committee ; not that he thought any benefit could arise from legislation of the kind proposed by the bill, but partly in deference to the large number of gentlemen (125) who advocated the introduction of the mea- sure, and partly to disabuse the minds of the workpeople with reference to the effect of any legislation in these matters. On a division, the second reading was carried by 120 to 73.

IRISH BANKRUPTCY LAW.

Mr. CAIRNS obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend and consolidate the law of bankruptcy in Ireland. One object of the bill is to reduce the -exorbitant fees attendant on a bankruptcy ; another, to permit local exa- minations of bankrupts' a third, to bring up the law of bankruptcy in Ireland to the improved condition of the English law ; and a fourth, to assimilate the law of Ireland to that in England.

Gamixo-Housza.

The Arrossistr-Gmrsitaz, has obtained leave to bring in a bill for the suppression of gaming-houses. He described how the law at present is defeated by the difficulty of obtaining evidence. When the police attempt to enter a well-known gaming-house, they find the entrances strongly barricaded; and when they break in, all trace of gaming-implements has disappeared : parties are arrested, but as no evidence of gambling is forth- coming they are discharged. The bill proposes to make it a substantial offence to take means for the purpose of preventing the entrance of legally.. authorized officers ; to empower the Magistrates to assume that a house in which cards, dice, or other gaming implements are found, is a gaming.. house ; and to cast the burden of disproving assumption on the defend- ants. He also proposed to enable a Magistrate to select, from persona arrested in these houses, those who should be prosecuted and those who should be admitted as witnesses ; and further, that the giving of fictitious names and addresses should be an offence in itself, for which a person should be liable to a penalty or imprisonment.

MEDICAL REFOR3f.

On 'the motion for the second reading of the Medical Practitioners (No. 2) Bill, Mr. BRADY explained that it was intended to provide a sys- tem of registration of medical practitioners. Mr. Frrzaor said that Lord Palmerston did not object to the second reading. Accordingly, the bill was read a second time.

FRAUDITLEN'T FORAGE CON'TIIACT.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH called the attention of the War Secretary to the following extract, printed in the Morning Chronicle, respecting the gross misconduct of a person engaged to furnish hay for the use of the artillery horses to be used in the Eastern expedition. "Government was giving a contractor 71. 108. a ton for hay packed and pressed in trusses. And can you fancy what a scoundrel the fellow turned out ! After he had shipped several hundred tons of it, one of his men split on him, and informed that the centre of each truss was made up with all manner of stuff. A board of officers were ordered over to Deptford, had it all unshipped, and, opening the trusses, found the centre of each filled with shavings, straw, and all manner of filth ; and in one was a dead lamb ! All the hay was very much damped, so as to make it weigh heavy ; so, if we had gone to sea with it, the horses would have died, and, more than likely, the Ships would have taken fire from spontaneous combustion ; and all tie punishment this fellow got was taking the contract from him !" "The question I have to put to the noble Duke is, whether the statement be substantially correct; and if so whether he has ascertained that the criminal law will not touch a miscreant this, who has for lucre done all he can to disappoint the expectations of the country, to bring the greatest possible calamity upon the horses embarked, and thus, by preventing the arrival of the artillery in a state of efficiency, to paralyze the expedition which has been sent out?"

The Duke of NEWCASTLE answered, that, as an Englishman, he was ashamed to say the extract was substantially correct, with the exception that the discovery was not made by one of the men "splitting," but by inspection of the Government officers. These are the circumstances- " Upon a certain number of horses being ordered for foreign service, and transports having been taken up for their conveyance, advertisements were inserted in the newspapers for a supply of hay for their support. At the ex- piration of the time fixed, only one tender, and that but for a small quantity, was sent in: letters were then addressed from the department to seven per- sons who had been in the habit of supplying hay for army purposes, and answers were received from four of these persons, stating the quality and price of the hay which they were prepared to supply. I am not able at present to say whether more than one of those persons has been guilty of this fraud; but the bay, when unpacked was found to contain the filth to which reference has been made. Under these circumstances, the hay, of course, has been rejected ; and great inconvenience has arisen in conse- quence of the loss of time which has necessarily been taken up in obtaining fresh supplies. As to the second part of the noble Earl's question, whether the criminal law will touch these parties, I am not at the present moment able to give an answer. It is a question of law, and noble lords acquainted with the law will no doubt agree that it is not particularly clear on the subject ; but I have seen the Solicitor to the Treasury on the matter, and he will receive instructions to make careful inquiries into all the circum- stances of the case. I believe it will possibly be found that a case of con- tract can be established, as the letters written on the subject have all been answered by the parties; but the Solicitor will state a case for the opinion of the Law-officers of the Crown, and by their advice our future proceedings will be guided. I can assure my noble friend, that we think the case of so flagrant a nature—considering that, if this fraud had been undiscovered, it would in all probability have entailed the loss of all these horses, and the consequent inefficiency of the artillery on the eve of great military opera- tions ; and might possibly have been of the greatest consequence to the lives of her Majesty's troops : we shall take care that the ease shall be most strictly investigated, and we are prepared to treat the parties with the ut- most severity." In a conversation that ensued, Lord ELLENBOROUGH, Lord Dann, and Lord BROUGHAM, hoped the law would reach the criminal; and agreed that if it did not, it should be altered to include such cages. It was suggested that one effectual and instant punishment would be to publish his name; and the Duke of NEWCASTLE, after sending to the other House, said that the name of the contractor is Sturges. But the Duke hoped that a more severe punishment than the publication of the name would be found.

On Thursday, the Duke of NEWCASTLE, in reply to the Earl of Balsas

BURY said that the hay supplied by five other persons was damp and of an inferior quality ; but he did not think it necessary to mention their names. The information which he received at the bar on Tuesday, when he gave the name as "Sturges," was incorrect—he had since as- certained that the contractors were "Thomas Sturgeon and Sons, of Grays, Essex."

Lord CAMPBELL stated that the offence was undoubtedly punishable by the common law of England: Lord BROUGHAM was glad to hear this on so very high judicial authority; but he understood that other high legal authorities were of a different opinion, and he thought it would be well to have the law declared beyond question. In the House of Conunons, Sir Jsmzs GaLusx stated that satisfactory arrangements had been made for the supply of forage without a contract.

MANNIbTG THE NAVY. In reply to a question from the Earl of ELLENBOROUOH, the Earl of ALERDEEN said that the Admiralty had given notice of their intention to engage able seamen for one year only. Men are usually engaged for five years, but those engaged for one will stand on the same footing as those engaged for five.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH passed some strictures on this experiment ; and on the employment of the Coast Guard, who would be better employed looking after the revenue.

In presenting a petition, on Thursday, from Newcastle-upon-Tyne, preying for the establishment of a harbour of refuge in the Tyne Lord Encansononon made an appeal to the seamen of the Tyne and the Wear. Describing the unfortunate disagreements between the seamen and the shipowners and the seamen and the Government, he urged the men no longer to hold themselves aloof from the service of the Crown, but to come forward in this emergency, and enter, not for a limited period, but for the voyage—for the campaign is the voyage. Early in life he had learned greatly to respect the noble and generous qualities of seamen; he had long and often advocated their interests. Should any disaster happen in the Baltic through their absence, he was sure the brave men of the Tyne and Wear would never forgive themselves.

ELECTION COMMITTEE.

A Committee has sat this week on a petition against the return of Mr. John Sadleir for Sligo. Evidence was given of three distinct acts of bribery, by Henry Simpson in the interest of Mr. Sadleir; but there was no evidence to show that those acts were committed with the knowledge or consent of Mr. Sadleir or his agents. The Committee find that he was duly elected.

THE limn CORRUPTION CoarierrrEs.

Mr. Mowbray Morris manager of the Times, was examined on Tues- day and Wednesday before the Committee on Irish Corruption. At the sitting on Tuesday, Mr. Moore called his attention to articles in the Times on the 19th September and 6th February, broadly imputing corruption to Irish Members; and asked on what grounds those accusations were made ? Mr. Morris said, he did not remember the circumstances under which the article in September was written ; but with respect to the ar- ticle in February, that was founded on the statements made by Dr. Gray in his Tunes spec h. Mr. Morris told the Committee, that if it were in- tended to ask hi,: a questions respecting the authorship of articles or in- telligence not made public, on which the opinions of the conductors are formed, he must decline to answer them. It was then arranged that Mr. Morris should be summoned another day; and he accordingly came again before the Committee on Wednesday. He was subjected to a very long and searching examination, first by Mr. Moore, then by Mr. Bright, Mr. Butt, and finally by Colonel Bentinek. Mr. Morris declined to answer any questions respecting the article of September, as being beyond the range of the present inquiry : but as the Committee decided that he might be questioned upon it, he referred them to a letter published on the 16th, suggesting the article of the 19th; but he could not say on what ground the statement in that letter was founded, nor say anything on au- thority as manager of the Times respecting it; nor would he express any opinion with respect to Dr. Gray's meaning, nor explain the article in the noes ; leaving the Committee to draw their own inferences. He might give his individual opinion as to whether he thought Irish Members were paid for their votes, but no opinion as representing the Times. Mr. Moore put this question twice—" Have you heard any statements, or are you aware of any facts which are calculated to warrant you in stating that all the Irish Members are paid, and that they all vote for their pay ? " Mr. Moms—" I must decline to answer that question. It is not con- sistent with my duty, as far as I understand it, to answer the question." Mr. Moore—"The question is, are you aware of any facts."

Mr. Morris—" That question is put to me as representing the Times newspaper ; and I cannot disclose the information upon which the conduc- tors act, and of which I happen to be cognizant in consequence of my posi- tion in the office."

Mr. Moore—"And is it the custom at the Times office, and is it a fair specimen of the scruple and care and consideration the Times is in the habit of observing in bringing. grave charges against public —" Mr. Butt (to the Chairman)—" Sir, I object to that question." Mr. Moore (to the witness)—"Well, but if it were a private individual, instead of a publics journal, who had made this accusation, do you not think he would in that case be called upon to state upon what grounds, opinion, or authority, he made such a statement ?"

Mr. Butt—" Sir, I object to that question." Mr. Moore—"I insist on putting that question." Mr. Morris—" I decline to answer it."

Mr. Moore—" Then, I have no further questions to put."

Mr. Bright now examined the witness, with little more success. Mr.

Morris said the practice of the Times was to insert only letters the writers of which they knew or believed they knew. He declined to answer whether the letter above referred to is or is not preserved, but he could not deny that he knew. Mr. Bright—" Would you lead the Committee to infer that you could give ES information affecting the hundred need, men, leaving only five of the whole representatives of the Irish people ? ' Mr. Morris—" That question is not easy for use to answer, except in an indirect manner ; and perhaps this is the proper time for me to state the rea- son why I have refused to answer any questions involving what I consider the secrets of the paper. With all respect to the Committee, I submit that the question here involved is the independence of the press. I think that the press of this country—there being no censorship established by law—is amenable to no authority whatever except that of the courts of law ; that not even a Committee of the House of Commons has a right to question the con- ductors of the paper as regards the opinions they have expressed, and that there is no tribunal except the courts of justice which can compel them to do BO. I think I should sacrifice the interests of the Times, and do a grievous injury to the press of this country, if I answered the question."

In reply to Mr. Butt, who took up the examination, Mr. Morris said it would be a matter for the conductors of a paper to determine whether they would or not give information with reference to the present or any inquiry. He would not say what information the Times may or may not have. At the dose, he recorded his protest against the right of the Com- mittee to question him as to either the article of September or February, and bowing left the room.

Mr. Fottrell a solicitor, and Mr. Gerson a barrister, showed that a Mr. Coleman had paid 5001. to a Mr. O'Callaghan to resign a Paymastership of Constabulary, to which Coleman was appointed by Sir William Somer- ville. The place was abolished shortly afterwards ; and Mr. Coleman had taken the opinion of Mr. Napier as to the legality of the abolition of the office. It does not appear that Sir William Somerville was cognizant of the pecuniary transaction.

Mr. Dillon Croker stated, that in 1851 he wanted a Stipendiary Ma- gistracy for his son ; and he was told by a Mr. Thomas Lane that it could be obtained for 500/, through a person in the City. Mr. Lane was examined, and unequivocally denied the statement of Mr. Croker : had he known such an appointment could have been obtained for that sum, he would have paid it himself. Both witnesses adhered to their state- ments.

Mr. G. H. Moore M.P. stated, that a young man applied to him for a Postmastership, and offered "to do the usual thing." Mr. Moore in- quired what that was ; and he was told that the applicant would give his first year's salary for the appointment. Mr. Moore, of course, declined to recommend such an applicant.

Mr. Bright M.P. was examined, and told of a conversation in a boat on the river that runs from Loch Gill to the sea, as he was going up to Sligo. The boatman spoke of the sale of places as notorious at Sligo— mentioning Mr. Patrick Somers. The boatman said, that on one occa- sion, when a drunken party were going up the river, a Member of Par- liament fell in : a man got him out, and the Member promised him a place in the Coast Guard : subsequently he was offered the place if he would pay 30/. or 401.; he could not, and another got the place. Mr. Bright read his memorandum on the occasion.

"September 29, I852—Boatman, a shoemaker—story of Pat Somers; sold his patronage—offered boatman a place in Coast Guard for 30/. or 40/. ; ano- ther got it through Andrew Walker, who did the business for him there— sales notorious—got more places for men in Sligo than any man ever did before."

Mr. William Dane, a solicitor, brought an accusation against Mr. Keogh. He said he had been informed that Edward Lynch of Ath- lone had in his possession documents proving that Mr. Keogh had in- duced a gentleman to accept bills for 1000/. on the promise of procuring him an appointment in the Excise. The bills were protested, and the gentleman was ruined. Subsequently, Mr. Keogh obtained an appoint- ment in the Excise for the son of that gentleman. He further charged Mr. Keogh with heading a mob of two thousand persons in an attack on a hotel at Athlone on the night before the election. Mr. Lambert Smith, son of Colonel Smith, the gentleman mentioned above, said that his father had assisted Mr. Keogh with bills to meet his election-expenses, partly for friendship, and partly for the sake of the Peelite cause. There was no promise of any appointment ; and Colonel Smith was not ruined—he went to Canada, but that was to facilitate the sale of his commission. Mr. Keogh had paid a portion of the bills.

In consequence of the character of the imputation against him, Mr. Keogh announced his intention of applying to the House to be discharged from the Committee.