The nomination of candidates for the representation of Salisbury, in the room of the late Mr. Wyndham, took place on Wednesday. The scene was the area opposite the Council-Chamber of Salisbury ; and in- stead of hustings, three waggons were provided. The town of course was in a bustle : groups paraded the streets bearing banners, including an American flag ! Cavalry were stationed at Wilton, as if in anticipa- tion of rioting; but there was nothing in the appearance of the not very numerous crowd before the waggons to justify the apprehension. The Honourable Edward Pleydell Bouverie and Mr. Campbell having been duly proposed, they both addressed the electors ; but neither of the speeches was remarkable.
Mr. Bouverie, alluding to something which had been said about bribery, asked whether there had been none at the last election, and on which side it was likely to be at the present election ? He stated that he was not a Leaguer, though he was a Free-trader; and he repeated several of the usual arguments in favour of free trade. He too was for "protection "—such protection of the farmer that he might use his skill for his own advantage, not such fallacious and mischievous protection as the present. The country had been well nigh ruined by bad and oppressive laws ; and to allay such troubles as those in Ireland and Wales, there must be good laws, free trade, and protection for all parties.
Mr. Campbell, on his side, repeated many of the arguments for main- taining the protection of the agriculturists ; even down to Lord Mel- bourne's declaration against "the insanest project that ever entered the brain of man "—free trade. If the British farmer was not to have a fair return for the cultivation of the land, what was to be done with the British peasantry ? Would they make cotton-spinners of them all ? Be cautioned the electors of _Salisbury to beware of those who were given to change—
Twelve years ago, that city was fall of shops, and the citizens had a flourish- ing trade ; but they were told that they should be still better off if the Reform Bill were carried. (A voter—" Been getting worse ever since.") In going round upon his canvass, he regretted to find many shops closed, and be knew that trade had diminished; and now they were told that free trade and the re- peal of the Corn-laws would improve their circumstances. (A voice—" It is all humbug.") Let them beware, for under the specious name of free trade lurked low wages and coarse food. ("Hear !" and" True, true! '')
The show of bands was declared to be in favour of Mr. Bouverie ; a poll was demanded for Mr. Campbell; and it was appointed for the following day. Both parties accuse each other of violence, intimidation, and so forth; but there was no serious disturbance on Thursday. The an- nouncements of the several Committees during the progress of the poll were singular. Mr. Bouverie's Committee began at nine o'clock with giving him 100 votes to 46 on the other side. By ten, his majority had dwindled in their account to 25, the numbers being 186 and 161. Henceforth, the party issued no more reports ; but Mr. Campbell's Committee began at eleven, making the numbers 269 for Campbell and 261 for Bouverie--majority 8. The majority on this side crept up, till, at the close, the numbers were—For Campbell, 317; Bouverie, 270; majority, 47.
The Liberals threaten to petition against the return.
A report that Mr. Estcourt was about to resign his seat for Oxford University, and that Mr. Gladstone was to offer himself to the learned constituency, is contradicted, and treated as "a feeler put forth by the Tractarian party."
The 100,0001. Fund for the year's operations of the League may be considered as guaranteed. A fifth part of the sum will be contributed by Manchester and the country within twenty miles of its Exchange. At the meeting on Tuesday, a sum exceeding 11,0001. was subscribed in an hour ; and before the day was concluded it amounted to 12,600/. And now, without a regular canvass, the arrangements for which will be made at the Committee-meeting this evening, the amount exceeds 14,0001.—Manchester Times, Nov. 18.
A public.meeting was held at Gateshead, on the 13th, to promote the efficiency; and extend the benefits of the British Schools established in that- town. The hustings were filled by men of all religious permit- sions—Churehmen, Wesleyans, Independents, Quakers, Baptists, and Unitarians; and in the main object of the meeting so much of una- nimity and spirit was displayed, that there was little doubt that the pur- pose would be accomplished. The most noticeable thing, however, was the speech delivered by Mr. Hutt, Member for Gateshead, who was the Chairman on the occasion. Alluding to the differences of opinion as to particular points, all were agreed in this, he said, that one of the most sacred duties devolving upon them as Christians was the education of those who but for their exertions would obtain no education at all- " The inculcation of doctrines by which sects are distinguished we commit exchisively to thwpatents and guardians of the children : we forbid it to the
schoolmaster. Our first condition is, the universal education of the poor : but for the State to cover the land with schools, and yet to leave open to the poor man, as some persons desire, no school where religious doctrines were not taught to which he has conscientious objections, would be but ungrateful and unprofitable labour. Such a proceeding must result in one out of two greet evils—it would either convert your schools into constant instruments of spi- ritual oppression, or (what would be more probable) it would render them, in numberless instances, so many barriers against the diffusion of that education which you affect a willingness to promote. No party, and no person, as far a* I know, in this country, now protegees the old Church and State policy of de- 'lying education to the poor : a policy, however, which strikes me as has am- sive and ungenerous than the offer of education on terms which cannot honour- ably be accepted ; for this adds insult to injustice."
Mr. Hutt referred to the statistics of crime as attesting the prevalence of ignorance ; and he made a felicitous use of occurrences recent in the history of the country to show the effects of ignorance on a larger scale- " Alas ! there is no want of proof that the education of the working classes is scandalously neglected in this country. We find a specimen of this neglect in every street ; we trace him in every alehouse; we hear of him in every riot and every outrage. There he is—idle, drunken, discontented—discontented because he is a drunkard, and a drunkard because he is idle. Why is he idle ? Because we never gave him the means of occupation ; because we never taught him the rewarding enjoyments resulting from duties well performed. No ; all his life he has sacrificed, with the shortsighted selfishness of a savage, the future to the present, and every public and private interest to his own. As reckless of the wants of his family as improvident of himself, even with high wages he is steeped in poverty ; he wastes in a few hours of debauchery the earnings of a week ; and, ignorant of the first rudiments of moral obligation, he trusts to the prurient doctrines of his Trades Union, and to the political adventurer of his idolatry, for all his code and for all his creed. With such a population there will never be a want of convulsions or of demagogues—of betrayers or betrayed. A few years ago, a populous agricultural district, almost within sight of the Metropolis, was a scene of frightful violence and bloodshed, because a fantastic maniac had found means to persuade the wretched inhabitants that he was the Messiah coming to resume possession of his kingdom. What are we to expect ? There will always be oracles where there is ignorance, and deli- verers where there is helplessness and discontent. Well, is this state of things, so dangerous, so disgraceful, to last for ever ? Will not our rulers, at some time and in some manner, stand up between the young generation and the moral pestilence that is devouring them ? For mytpart, I never can contem- plate the benighted condition of our working millions, and then look at the Le- gislature and the Government, heedless, apathetic, busied about many things, but rarely or never busied about this, without recalling the terrible denunciation of Divine vengeance against the watchman negligent of his charge—. If thou dolt not speak to warn the wicked from hie way, the wicked man shall die in his iniquity ; but his blood I will require at thy hand."
Some years ago, an attempt was made, in Lord John Russell's Education Bill, to establish a sound system of anti-sectarian instruction throughout the country : it was basely and ignorantly clamoured down ; but that conduct had received condign punishment-
" The selfishness of party-spirit made common cause with the proud aspira- tions of bigotry against it ; and the combination recklessly destroyed an under- taking that dealt with the destiny of millions, and of which the success or failure was to spread on the face of ages yet to come either happiness or misery. And whet was the pretext ? We were authoritatively told that the education of the poor ought to be intrusted only to the hands of the ministers of the Church, (that is, to the hands of those who had been the last to promote it,) and that any scheme of instruction not framed in connexion with the Church of England would be dangerous and irreligious. And this monstrous pretence was not put forward by political clergymen and pamphleteering
Bishops—a kind of gentry to whom a wide latitude s always conceded; it was advanced by men who ought to have been ashamed of it—by persons holding the first rank among the Conservative statesmen of the country. Mark, now, the consequences of false dealing ! These party-leaders have not only deprived the poor of appropriate and religious training for the time, but they have so entangled the whole subject with delusion—they have given so much colour and authority to the prejudices of the weak and to the pretensions of the intolerant —that they have themselves discovered that the adoption of any rational, com- prehensive system of popular education in this country, is almost impossible. The poisoned chalice has come back to their own lips with a vengeance. Look at the project of last session ! The Prime Minister of England is not himself a bigot—has no wish, I sincerely believe, to trample on the conscientious con- victions of his countrymen ; nor were the educational clauses of the Factory Bill brought forward entirely in that spirit of proud intolerance which dictated the overthrow of the Education Bill of Lord .Tohn Russell : but the Minister., hampered by their professions and intrigues in opposition, were forced to truckle to the party whose absurd pretensions they had so recently sanctioned and pro- moted. Accordingly, their measure was a strange compound of discordant ingredients. It was not all bad ; it wandered in a zigzag course between right and wrong, But it was a measure which no honest advocate of national education could approve: and, as the friend of religious liberty—as the advocate of instruction for all my countrymen—I sincerely rejoiced that it was defeated by the Dissenting communities of England. Sir James Graham, on withdraw- ing the bill, expressed himself very despondingly as to the possibility of carrying in future any measure of the kind, in consequence of the uncon- cidietot7 spirit of different parties in the country. He complained of the violence with which his project had been assailed on both sides. Ah, gentle- men, those who have been most active to stir the waters of strife are not the most entitled to complain of their bitterness : but no doubt that they are distasteful enough—no doubt, urgently as we need some system of general instruction, any attempt to establish one now will have extreme difficulties to encounter. Before, however, any Minister in this country can be justified in renouncing it as impracticable he is bound at least to try what could be done by resting it on just and liberal principles : he should try the effect of honesty."
Mr. Hutt adduced evidence to prove how feasible is "a Scriptural education not placed in subordination to the dogmas of any particular church "—
" It has been tried in most parts of Europe, and everywhere with remark- able success. I can speak from personal observation of its admirable results in the extensive dominions of the Protestant and religions King of Prussia. The present Prime Minister of France, M. Gnizot, also a Protestant, had the glory of applying it to his native country in 1833, when Minister for Public Instrae- tion; and I am sure that of all the acts of the public life of that eminent maw; there is nothing from the contemplation of which, in the evening of his dirge, he will derive more real and substantial satisfaction, than the part hethen took in enlightening the minds of his countrymen. Let me read to you the re- markable passage with which M. Guizot concluded his report to the King, on this plan of general instruction. This measure of perfect tolerance,' says the French Minister, appears to us comformable to the true spirit of religion, favourable to the public peace, and worthy of the intelligence of our age and the munificence of a great nation.' Who does not wish that this sentence had been applied to the establishment in England of a system of national educe- tiou? It may be said, this system may succeed very well in Germany, and France, and America, but it is not suited to the British dominions. /Vow, it has been tried in the British dominions—in every part of the British domi• nions except this island, and with results which have surpassed the expec- tations of its best friends. It has been tried in Australia, in spite of the oppo- sition of the Established clergy; and General Sir Richard Bourke, under whose enlightened wisdom it was temperately but firmly carried into execution in New South Wales, must contemplate the success of its operation with the most enviable satisfaction. It has been tried in India—in Calcutta. An officer of the name of Martin, who had risen from the position of a private soldier to the rank of a Major-General in the British Army, left, on his death, the whole of his property (which was very considerable) towards the endow- ment of a public school. It was the wish of the Bishop of Calcutta, Dr. Wil- son, to found this school on the express doctrines and discipline of the Church of England ; but, finding such was not the design of the founder, that truly excellent and Christian Bishop applied himself, in the spirit of that charity which hopeth all things and believeth all things, to ordain the establishment so that while it afforded sound practical and Scriptural education to all sects of Christians, it should offer no offence to the opinions of any. But the system has been tried nearer home : it has been tried in Ireland—and on the subject of its effects in Ireland I have a witness without exception, in the person of my friend Mr. Robert Ingham, the late Member for South Shields, who a short time ago made a tour in that country, and paid the greatest attention to this subject ; [and whose mind, Mr. Hutt implies, was likely to have been biased against the system.] He was so impressed with its singular merit, that on his return home he gave a public lecture at Newcastle for the purpose of explain- ing and enforcing it. His lecture was full of the highest interest and instruc• tion. Now, can the spirit of controversy itself hope to maintain that this system, which has been tried so often and in such various places—at home and abroad, in foreign states and the British dominions—and which has been pro- ductive of good wherever it has been tried—would be productive of evil if ap- plied to England."
Answering affirmatively the question whether children of different persuasions should be mixed in the same school, Mr. Hutt came to his peroration- " It is desirable, (says M. Guizot, with his usual wisdom)—it is desirable that children, whose parents do not profess the same religious opinions, should early contract, by frequenting the same school, those habits of natural good- will and tolerance which grow into sentiments of justice and union when they become fellow-citizens. The strife and struggle of the world, do what we will, must always give rise to differences and dissensions enough. Let us not pro- mote and augment them—let us not embitter the conflict when come it must— by artificial distinctions and divisions in the education of the young. Depend upon it, that every thing which tends to unite us, whom all evil passions tend to separate, in affectionate good-will towards each other, is a great advantage— is a great blessing : but it is to little purpose that we inculcate fellowship and union to persons of mature years, if we insist on teaching children severance, and alienation, and distrust. I think it cannot be denied that there is an un- paralleled array of evidence, of authority, of reason, and of experience, in favour of the system of education which I have been advocating. If Sir James Gra- ham will reject it for the offensive project if ambitious Churchmen, he has no right to complain that he cannot secure for hbuself the public support. He is too wise to be anticipating a millennium of Church domination. Let him, then, take heed to what he is new doing. If that Minister's name should stand as a blot on the annals of his country who would sternly refuse all education to the poor, a darker and more indelible reproach must be his portion, who, by offer- ing education to the poor on terms on which they cannot accept it, adds insult and cruelty to refusal."
At Fishguard, in Pembrokeshire, William Owen, a personatcr of "Rebecca," and twenty-five other rioters, have been committed for trial, for destroying toll-houses at Fishguard and Parkymorfa, on the 11th September last. There was a good deal of excitement in the town during the investigation : it was necessary to guard the prisoners with a party of Marines ; the inn where the Magistrates sat was guarded ; and a special guard was also set over a man and his wife who had given information which led to the detection and identification of the rioters. ' All the prisoners were admitted to bail.
A large mass of earth and chalk fell into the sea at Kemp Town, Brighton, on Wednesday morning. Two men and a boy had just come to the edge of the cliff, to look at the sea, and they were carried down with the falling mass. One man was buried in it, and was dead before he could be extricated. The other two were only slightly hurt ; but they were in danger from a high tide, which isolated the part of the beach. One of the Coast Guard fortunately saw them, and they were drawn up by means of a "cliff-crane."