25 SEPTEMBER 1830, Page 4

COMMON Coulrerr..—At the meeting of the Common Council on Thursday,

Mr. Stephens took occasion to introduce his motion for an approval of the late revolutionary movements in France. To the objec- tion that the motion was now too late, he replied, that the very persons who complained of his hieing too late now, were those who, when the matter was first talked of, objected that it was then too early and prema- ture. In fact, he could not have brought the question forward earlier, unless a Special Court had been appointed for that purpose. Mr. Ste- vens then went on to notice other objections to his motion, and princi- pally the objection arising out of the question of interference which it might be supposed to raise. He contended at considerable length, that the Court's approbation of the late revolution argued no wish on its part to mingle in or to direct the internal movements of France. His resolutions were in substance,

"That the Court, setting a high value upon the benefits of Constitutional Govern- ments, could not be unmindful of the fatal consequences to freedom and social or- der, of the proceedings of Charles the Tenth, lately King of France, and of his Govern- ment ; at the same time that they recollected with gratitude and applause the noble resistance to illegal authority which those acts of tyranny called forth. That the patriotic conduct displayed by the inhabitants of Paris in the energetic and suc- cessful resistance which they made to the armed force engaged in the cause of des. potism, and the noble forbearance and discretion exercised by them in the hour of victory and of triumph, have merited the admiration and gratitude of every friend of peace and social order. That the Government of Great Britain have pursued a wise and liberal policy in recognizing Louis Philip I. as King of the French ; and that the Court rejoiced in the good understanding subsisting between the Govern- ments of France and of this country, and hoped that the peace and good-will which that was calculated to produce would be perpetuated."

The resolutions were seconded by Mr. W. Western. Tickner proposed as an amendment,

" That although the members of this Court may, in their individual character, view with satisfaction the patriotic resistance of the people of Paris to the attempt by the late King of France and his Ministers to subvert the chartered rights and liberties of the French people, yet this Court, disapproving the principle of foreign Interference in the domestic concerns of nations, deems it improper to adopt any Measures with reference to the recent important proceedings in France." In support of this amendment, Mr. Tickner said, he could not help remarking, that the parties who were so zealous in urging forward such proceedings had never ceased to condemn the Government for an inter-. fere_mv with the former French Revolution, and they would be the very &IOW& so now, should any indication of the kind appear; and every discreet person would join them most heartily in the expression of their dispraise. But the British Government had determined to maintaim a strict neutrality; and that being the case, it was equally wise and prudent in the people to follow the example. If the practice of interfering with the internal concerns of foreign nations was in principle bad—and there were but few who would say it was not—it must be wrong in every mode of its application. The whole of Europe was evidently in a great ferment. Indeed, there appeared to be scarcely a part that was not in a state of actual or incipient revolution. To what extent it might go, or what might be the ultimate consequences, it was impossible to foretell. It, therefore, behoved the Court to pause lest it should do anything which might be the first of a series of events to "unslip the dogs of war," and precipitate our native country in the vortex. Combustible matter abounded ; beneath, and on every side it was ready to explode, and surely the Court would not seize the torch of the incendiary and assist in setting fire to the train. Everything would prosper if parties would but be quiet; the course of rational and just reform would move forward with a favour- able gale ; and the only evil to be apprehended was, that the injudicious zeal of indiscreet friends would blow the gentle breeze into a storm that would drive the gallant bark upon the rocks, and thereby made shipwreck of the good cause. (Cheers.) The desire was universal for a modification of institutions conformably to the increased knowledge and altered circumstances of society, and was at pre- sent expressed by the still small voice of reason and justice, and needed no excitement ; but it might be impelled into an insane voci- feration, from which nothing but blood and violence would • issue. A movement of the corporate body of this great metropolis at the present momentous juncture must have great moral influence, and might be the commencement of a rapid series of causes, leading ultimately to the most disastrous results. Ife might perish in the fire of our own kindling, and be lost in the storm we had assisted to raise. The interference of crowned heads and their armies with the former revolution had produced the late long and devastating war. There appeared in the present instance to be no ground for alarm on that score; but there was much to apprehend from another source. The sublime art of printing had effected a total change in the state of the civilized world—a power had been generated more tremendous than ever was brought into exercise inthe history of the world ; the people had acquired such stupendous moral force, that stand- ing armies had become as a mere feather in the balance. Every species of in- termeddling with changes in the Government of foreign nations, was not only bad in principle and mischievous in its tendency, but in this parti- cular instance was entirely uncalled for by any circumstances attending it. Had. there been any symptoms of the British Government inter- posing against the French people, then it might fairly have become a question whether the English people should not move on the popular side, but nothing of the kind had manifested itself; on the contrary, the new state of things in France had been officially recognized by the Cabinet of William the Fourth, and there the matter, so far as we were concerned, should end. The rest was peculiarly and exclusively the business of the French people themselves. Any proceeding on the part of that Court, either by way of address or otherwise, would be an off. cious intermeddling, altogether unjustified and uncalled for by any cir- cumstances attending the transaction ; and if the French felt, as he was confident the English people would feel in a similar case, it must cer- tainly be unpalatable to them.

Mr. Bousfield seconded the amendment.

Mr. Richardson, said, the revolution had done more than all the books that ever were written. Viewing the subject as a friend to reform in this country, he must say that some short time since, his hopes and eir- pectations with respect to reform were exceedingly languid—he had al. most given up all expectation of seeing it accomplished in this country. But the late events in France had regenerated his spirit—a fine and noble feeling had been excited in a sister country, which he hoped would not be allowed to decay without producing beneficial results ; and he entertained no doubt, that the consequences which in time would follow upon these events could not fail to produce commercial advantages such as would place England upon a higher point of elevation than she had hitherto attained. The use to which the present state of public feeling might be turned, would be to induce the French ta abandon their restric- tive system ; and as courtship preceded marriage, so an interchange of kindly sentiments between the two Municipalities of Paris and of Lon- don might lead to such a union of interests as would not but be highly beneficial to both. Now he would put the case to them in this point of view—they objected to the resolutions on the ground of their amounting to interference with the affairs of a foreign state—would it be interfer. ence with the domestic concerns of a private friend if he were to congra- tulate him upon the marriage of a son or a daughter ?

Several other speakers addressed the meeting—principally in favour of the resolutions : they were, however, lost, the numbers for the amend- ment being 92, for the resolutions 50.

BANK or ENGLAND—The Bank had a meeting on Thursday to de- clare a dividend. A number of questions were put by Mr. Young, who has on former occasions endeavoured to elicit from the Governors an account of the Bank proceedings ; and met, as they had formerly done, with a decided negative. The public and the proprietors often grumble at the mystery of the Directors. The public may have reason, because they cannot help themselves ; but the proprietors can have none—they have the remedy in their own hand. The only curious part of the pro- ceedings in the present case was the reason for secrecy urged by the Governor. " The Bank," lie said, "was to be looked at in a political point of view, and the influence of its operations on the currency of the country ought to be considered, before its present mode of proceedings was arranged ,"—" the interest of the public was vitally concerned in the proceedings of the Bank." It is fair enough to argue against publishing the accounts of a company, that the community have no concern in them ; but it seems a whimsical sort of logic to say that the accounts of the Bank of England ought not to be published, because the community are directly interested in them. CORONER FOR MIDDLESEX—The poll, which had been so keenly urged for the last ten days, finished on Monday. Mr. Baker was the successful candidate, he (having a gross majority of 136; the numbers at the close were—Baker 3670, Wakley 3534. • Mr. Wakley was at first inclined to demand a scrutiny, lint he did not press the demand, and Mr. Baker was accordingly returned. Mr. Wakley is to be chaired on Tuesday, ar to be afterwards entertained by his friends, at a dinner, where Henry Hunt is to preside. The annual emoluments of the office of Coroner, as held by Mr. Unwin, appear not to have exceeded 450/; and it is said that the rival candidates spent, or their friends spent for them, in the course of the' canvass and polling, 90001.,—a sum sufficient to have purchased an annuity for their joint lives greater than the in. come of the office which they were ambitious to fill. Had the votes been taken by ballot (in this case surely the plan need not be objected to) and in districts, the expense would not have exceeded a couple of hundred pounds. . ANTI-POLICE MEETINGs.—Meetings against the New Police force, with a view to its modification or its suppression, have been held in a number of parishes. In St. Pancras, a preliminary meeting took place on Thursday evening ; a Vestry meeting of St. Saviour's was also held on Thursday ; in St. Andrew's, Holborn, a meeting is contemplated; and in Christ Church, Stirry, one has taken place, and a petition to the King been agreed on calling for the repeal of the Police Act. There is much complaint at all these meetings, and perhaps some ground for it ; but there is a woful lack of fact mid argument.

While the people are abusing, the Grand Jury of Middlesex are laud. ing the Police. A presentment expressive of its value has been unani- mously adopted.

I- MEETING OF THE LABOURING CLASSES.—A public meeting, to 'congratulate the Parisians, and which it is supposed will be very nume- 'rously attended, is to be held on Kennington Common on Monday. The whole of the labouring classes of the metropolis have been invited to it. Henry Hunt is to take the chair' and the meeting is at his invitation. It was announced at the close of the poll for Coroner on Monday after- noon.