TOPICS OF THE DAY.
OPPOSITIONS AND THEIR TACTICS.
Am Opposition is an organized minority in Parliament, seeking to convert itself into a majority and make its leaders Ministers. Steady, systematic Oppositions, are the creatures of that change in our institutions which has rendered Parliamentary majorities the makers and unmakers of Ministers. So long as the existence of Administrations depends upon their retaining a Parliamentary majority, so long will every Ministry find an Opposition pitted against it. The notion which some have entertained, that it is possible to confer an exclusively administrative character upon the Cabinet, and transform Parliament into a conclave of dispassionate sages, giving effect to the legislative proposals of Ministries when it thinks them just and defeating them when it thinks them wrong, but leaving them to discharge their administrative functions so long as they act in conformity with the letter of the constitution, is, we fear, one of those ideal plans of government which presuppose an amount of intelligence and virtue in Parliament and its constitu- ents that would render government a superfluous luxury. While men are men, an elective Legislature having the power to make and unmake Ministries will be divided into followers of party- leaders, whose rivalry is prompted quite as much by ambition, or personal dislikes, as by sincere conviction that the policy recom- mended by their opponents is mischievous and their own of a na- ture to benefit the nation. The active and zealous politicians of any country constitute but a small portion of its inhabitants. The mass of the population are the vis inertia of society : engrossed in their own pursuits, they leave public business to those who have a taste for it, seldom interfering actively except when some great national pressure stimulates them into a momentary activity. Whoever wishes to effect any practical good, must be contented, in the present state of sociey, to work by existing instruments—by party. In making this remark, we would be understood merely to assert a fact regarding society as it is, not to express approbation of it. A man recognizing this truth, may, without compromising his independence, cooperate on proper occasions with an existing party ; he may make it his engine provided he do not allow it to make a tool of him.
It is natural that the party in opposition should, under ordinary circumstances, look for support to that section of society which, discontented with things as they are, wishes for a change ; and that the party in office should rely upon the Conservative section. The exceptions to this rule are found to occur only at periods when society is unsettled, and even then only for a short time. Rulers with sufficient intelligence to see the necessity of a change in the institutions of a nation, and courage, dexterity, and perseverance to effect that change in conformity with a predetermined plan, are of rare occurrence. The party which in opposition professed itself the champion of innovation, generally contrives when in power to perform the least possible part of its promises—just enough to afford a pretext for saying it has kept its word—and then subsides into the jog-trot routine of a Conservative Executive Government. Nothing is to be hoped in the way even of the most necessary changes, but from concessions made by an established Government when hard pressed by an Opposition growing in strength and popularity, or from a new Government in the momentary gene- rosity of triumph, or pressed for the fulfilment of the promises it made while in opposition, before it has time to invent a pretext for breaking them. The late Whig Ministry had long become to all practical intents Conservative : it held office upon the tenure of doing nothing to promote necessary innovations ; and to add to the mischief, the party in opposition was united upon the principle of impeding if not of frustrating all attempts at innovation. A state of parties better fitted for bolstering up and perpetuating every abuse, could scarcely be imagined.
It was necessary that such a state of affairs should come to a close, before those who are convinced that extensive and searching changes in our institutions and national policy are required could have any chance of seeing even a part of their wishes carried into operation. The mere change of Ministry will not put them in a condition to see this done, although it was an indispensable preliminary. An ousted Ministerial party does not of necessity become immediately an efficient Opposition. That it has lost its hold upon the majority of the House of Commons before it was deprived of the influence and prestige of office, is a proof that it has ceased to possess the national confidence. So long as the leaders retained the power of dispensing place and patronage, so long could they reckon upon subordination and obedience among their followers; but the wreck of a party, like the wreck of a ship, looses at once all bonds of dis- cipline. Look at what are understood to be the Opposition-benches at this moment,—thinly occupied, every man taking an independent course, all leaders and no followers. The occasional boldness of their language contrasts so strangely with their scanty numbers and want of concert, as to impart an air of theatrical unreality to their whole proceedings, calculated to augment the want of national con- fidence expressed in the results of the late elections. There is no Opposition at present, though some materials for one exist. The future Opposition must organize itself, and win back the confidence it has lost, by consistent and able advocacy of some settled line of policy, before it can hope for any available amount of support out of doors. It must earn its spurs in more than one well-fought field. And those active politicians who are independent of party, and have practical objects in view, will do well to pause and ascer- tain that an Opposition really exists, instead of wasting their time,
and helping to prevent its formation, by grasping at the unsubstantial semblance of an Opposition, which some are already attempting to palm off on the public as a reality.
The moment when an Opposition is on the eve of being formed, is one when it is of importance that clear views should be en- tertained of the nature and offices of an Opposition, both by those who are to form it and by the public at large. It is no valid ground of distrust—though it is the theme uniformly harped upon by those who seek to discredit an Opposition—that the object of the leaders is to obtain place. It is the natural and legitimate wish of every man who feels within him the ability to govern, to aspire to those offices which put it in his power to exercise his talent. The indulgence of his natural love of approbation in mak- ing a public display of his ability, is a gratification to which he is entitled, so long as it is kept in due subordination to regard for the public interest. The emoluments of office are a recompense for his labour, to which he is equally entitled. Personal taunts thrown out against statesmen, that they have on former occasions under different circumstances entertained or professed different opinions, are equally unworthy of serious attention. How a man comes to entertain the views he advocates, is a question for the moralist and divine, or for the curious metaphysician : the questions for him who would attain practical good by the agency of a politician are—what are his views ? has he the ability to carry his views into operation ? is the guarantee he offers to the public that he will honestly and sincerely labour to carry them into operation sufficient ? For a long time to come, we can scarcely hope to find Parlia- mentary politicians, whether in or out of office, who act upon correct philosophical principles ; we must be contented to take them when they are lit engines for carrying out some immediate practical end, and employ or reject them according as they are fit for the task.
The same considerations that decide independent politicians— and the inert mass of society, which sooner or later moves its huge heavy weight into the path that the more active spirits have trod out for it—in their conclusions as to whether or not an Opposition is deserving of occasional or permanent support, ought to decide men of generous and enlightened ambition in the selection of their Opposition tactics. There is a good deal of truth in the aphorism that honesty is the best policy. There is true wisdom in foregoing the eclat of petty victories that nowise weaken the enemy but fatigue those who win them, to undertake operations more laborious and tedious but more pregnant with lasting results. Nothing is to be gained by a war of chicane and small logic, but a character for cleverness, factiousness, intrigue, and littleness. Nothing is to be gained by bluster and big words, but a character for emptiness. And along with these general maxims, apelicable to all times and circumstances, care must be taken to estimate correctly the ac- tual state of the public mind and the economical condition of the country. There are, however, three points, which all who feel a vocation at present to take an active and useful part in a Parlia- mentary Opposition ought more especially to keep constantly in view.
The first is, to avoid noisy, mouthing declamation. Even when a party is borne onwards on the wave of public enthusiasm, a simple and guarded style of language—a measured expression, enhancing its visible power by the force of contrast—is commonly more impressive than passionate exaggeration. But when—as at present—it is ebb-tide with the party, modesty of speech is indie- pensable. The really powerful leader weakens the impression of his power if he is always talking about it ; but appeals to public indig- nation, on the part of those who are backed only by a lukewarm mi- nority, are sheer burlesque. The feeling on the part of the majority at present, if not of hopeful expectation from the Government, is of acquiescence in their sway as in something inevitable. The disaffected who still keep the field are disorganized, broken up into numerous sections, each jealous of the rest. To threaten Ministers with public indignation under such circumstances, par- takes of the mock-heroic of Bombastes Furioso's address to his army of one tall sergeant, a drummer, and fifer-boy. The public to which the Opposition must appeal, has, like itself, to be called into existence ; and this must be done by distinct, unexaggerated representations of the state of public affairs and the measures which are calculated to amend them, repeated again and again. The members of the Parliamentary Opposition must guard against self-delusion on the subject of their own strength. They must take care not to mistake the applause of coteries, or isolated pro- vincial localities, for the huzzas of converts and new recruits. They must argue so as to convince those who are sceptical or opposed to them—not declaim in order to gain empty applause from those who already think and feel with them.
Secondly, they must aim rather by actions than words at gaining the reputation of practical statesmen. There are many useful measures which, even in the present unfavourable temper of the public mind, an Opposition has it in its power to force upon an unwilling Government, by urging them in a right, reasonable, and earnest manner. There are all the various measures which have a tendency to diminish the national distress by emancipating and ex- tending our trade ; to diminish the pressure of taxation by exer- cising a rigorous control over expenditure and proportioning the amount of taxes paid to the means of the payer ; or to render Go- vernment more efficient for promoting the national welfare by taking care that no money is expended except in return for real services. Many reforms are required in our Colonial and Diplo- matic arrangements, in our home Executive and Courts of Law, in every department of the public service. Our Liberals are ready
enough to declaim on these topics—to say that "something must be done" : but that is not enough. If Government will not intro- duce matured and practicable measures for remedying the evils complained of, let them take measures of their own. Instead, for example, of cavilling at the outfit of an Ambassador or the amount of a Consul's salary, on the vague ground that it is a large sum, let them show how much is required, and insist that no more shall be given. Let them extend their views to our whole Diplomatic and Consular staff, and produce a plan for striking off needless appointments, supplying deficiencies, increasing responsibility and order in the despatch of business, both in the agencies abroad and the head office at home ; and thus, by enabling the public to know how it is served, put it in a way to be better and less expensively served. The Opposition will have ample and honour- able opportunities of earning good-will in such a course of systematic service—improving all departments of administrative government, and pressing them upon the Administration in a manner that will render it impossible to reject them as mere fac- tious criticism. A party which by its acts shows itself capable of taking enlightened and comprehensive views of public affairs, of devising measures for realizing those views, and of carrying such. measures in spite of the obstacles thrown in its way by official in- dolence and hostile interests, cannot fail to gain in time the confi- dence and support of a numerous public.
Lastly, the new Opposition will act wisely in refraining from taunts against the Government on every occasion that it is driven to take a leaf out of their book. If by their watchfulness and cri- ticism Government is made to do more good than it would other- wise have done, they must not complain of this as if it were some- thing unfair. The country understands and allows that something of self-seeking must be mixed up even with the most patriotic emotions ; but the country will not tolerate that amount of self- seeking which makes men grudge at its receiving any benefits which they are not to have the credit of conferring. If the Opposition have not magnanimity enough to find a consolation and reward in the knowledge that the country enjoys the benefit of their patriotic labours although others carry off the honour, they will do well to affect the virtue which they have not. Virtue always looks fairest when it is not its own trumpeter. Somehow or other, the public generally contrives in the long run to find out who has done it a good turn ; and its love and admiration of a benefactor who has waived his claims to gratitude, by keeping his benevolence a secret, is always heightened by its admiration of such magnanimity.
In fine, the Opposition-which-is-to-be will do well to keep in mind that "Rome was not built in a day " ; that good-will must be conciliated by "deeds, not words" ; and that, though absolute exemption from selfishness is neither possible nor desirable, it is most graceful when kept in due subordination. That influence is most likely to be lasting which is the result of a course of action prompted and guided by a liberal spirit and a large forethought. Society, if not ideally perfect, is enlightened enough to require a certain amount of magnanimity in those to whom it looks up as leaders and rulers. We know not whether our sanguine politi- cians—standing like greyhounds in the leash, eager to start in the chase of Opposition—may think it worth their while to attend to these suggestions; but we know that if the public squander its confidence upon any set of men who have not by perseverance in a course of action which shows them capable of sacrificing ephemeral for lasting applause, aiming at power by conferring real benefits on the public, and possessing enough of generous sentiment to be more anxious to deserve than to obtain popularity—it will lean upon a broken reed.
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