larbates EUli3 iprottaings in Varliaintat.

MINISTERS AND THE STATE OF THE COUNTRY.

The subject of the state of the country and of the Ministerial policy was renewed on Monday, in some desultory conversation which took place on going into a Committee of Supply. Mr. OTWAY Cave pro- tested against the coarse taken by Ministers on the Corn-laws-

He thought it would be said that it was marked by inhumanity, impolicy, and inconsistency. When the working-classes coupled that course with the expressions attributed to a noble Duke in another place, "that their misery was in a great degree their own fault—that in this country such a state of things prevails that any man with common honesty and common prudence may provide a competency for himself," he would not say that these expres- sions were enough to drive the working-classes mad, but he feared it would greatly tend to augment their discontent. He thought also that they would couple it with another assertion uttered on a former occasion by the Member for Liverpool, (Lord Sandon,) who said that "be thought the present Corn- laws unconnected with the present distress." He thought also that they would be greatly grieved when they read the assertion attributed to the right honourable Baronet the Member for Dorchester, who advocated scarcity-prices at all times and at all sacrifices : the right honourable Baronet was reported to have said, that "he who lays the axe to the root of protection—who by forced enactments would decree that diminished produce should not be compensated by a high price—would depreciate native industry, and prove fatal to the agri- cultural interest." This doctrine was therefore openly advocated, that at all 'hazards and sacrifices scarcity-prices must be kept up. He feared, when the working-classes read these expressions, and saw coupled with them the door of the House of Commons shut for five months in the face of a starving popula- tion, it needed no prophecy to predict what would be the evils and discontents which would prevail in the approaching winter. He might say also it was in- consistent in the right honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) to ask for this delay. He had not his speech by him at that moment, but he believed that lie said in April last, "that one month's delay on the subject of the Corn-laws would be an intolerable evil"; and yet, after three months' delay, the right honourable Baronet asked for five months more.

Mr. Cave wished to know when Sir Robert's "difficulties with regard to Ireland" had been got over; and whether he intended to persevere in bringing in Lord Stanley's Registration Bill ? He believed that honourable gentlemen opposite bated Ireland with a pure and per- fect hatred. They thought themselves justified in doing so from the enormous fictions about Ireland which were published in the news- papers— Of the private and personal character of the two noblemen who were to fill the situations of Lard-Lieutenant and Chief Secretary for Ireland no one could entertain a higher opinion than he did ; but they would hardly tell him that they were experienced and practical politicians. The inference which the people of Ireland had drawn from two such appointments was, that two poli- ticians unaccustomed to the conduct of great affairs had been sent to try "their 'prentice hand" on Ireland—experimentum in corpora vu,. Of this he felt certain, that if those two noble Lords had the most perfect and best inten- tions and the highest abilities they would all be frustrated by a Cabinet cop- mining the present Lord Chancellor and the Member for North Lancashire. He therefore asked a clear and unequivocal answer to his question; find if it were not given, the Irish people would feel themselves justified, and have no other resource than to resort to political agitation, .and that without the least delay.

Sir Rosner PEEL replied to Mr. Cave's question, that be certainly did not intend to reintroduce Lord Stanley's Bill, nor had he any im- mediate intention of bringing forward a measure on the same subject ; but, in concert with Lord Stanley and the House generally, he should be exceedingly glad to correct such errors as notoriously existed in the system of Irish registration. He should at the same time be ex- ceedingly unwilling, in attempting to correct those errors, that the franchise which it was intended to confer upon that part of the United Empire under the Reform Bill should suffer any limitation. Later in the evening, Mr. &unman CRAWFORD returned to the charge. He cited the cases of great distress at Rochdale ; and remarked, that if Sir Robert Peel could not propose measures to relieve the people, some temporary act should at least be passed to cheapen the price of food by removing the tax on the importation of foreign corn. Mr. THORNELY also bore testimony to the alarming depression in every branch of manufacturing industry. Sir ROBERT PEEL heard with the deepest regret any account of the sufferings of any portion of the people ; but at the same time, he had a very strong impression that it was very difficult by any act of legisla- tion suddenly to provide a remedy. He should only be countenancing a fatal delusion if he encouraged the belief that it was possible for Par- liament to adopt any act by which immediate relief might be obtained. The only hope with respect to the effect of legislation was to lay the foundation for improvement, and work a gradual amelioration in the state of society.

On Thursday, the Earl of DUCIE presented to the House of Lords the petition of the Conference of Religions Ministers at Manchester for repeal of the Corn-laws. He regretted that inquiry on the subject was postponed : such a course, in the face of the existing distress, in the face of the aggravated misery of the approaching 'winter, and of the evidence given by medical men that during last year many had fallen victims to the operation of the Corn-law, appeared to him very like heartless- ness. When the Earl of Ripon, in moving the amendment to the Address, said that when the was a Government possessing the confi- dence of the House, it would be time enough to discuss those laws, either he committed a fraud upon the country, or it now remained to be inferred that the present Government had not the confidence of the House. Lord Ducie asked the Duke of Buckingham' whether he was correctly reported to have said, at a public dinner lately, that be bad not altered his opinions on the Corn-law ?

No answer was vouchsafed to this question.

Later in the evening, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE expressed regret that inquiry into the subject had been postponed for so long a period. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought that if Lord Lansdowne had reflected, he would have been of opinion that it was impossible to enter upon any inquiry that could have been brought to a close between that time and the probable termination of the session. - SUPPLY.

On the motion being put in the House of Commons, on Monday, that the Speaker do leave the chair, Mr. CRAWFORD divided the House ; when the motion was carried, by 136 to 22. A long list of items in the Miscellaneous Estimates was then voted seriatim. Mr. WILLI/1.ms took a comprehensive objection to several of the items— There was an item in the proposed Estimates of 392/. 121. for the Marshal of the Ceremonies, and for packing pictures for the Embassy at Paris. He should like to hear some explanation of this ; for if fresh taxes were to be raised to pay such expenses, honourable gentlemen must tax themselves, and must re- sort to a property-tax, for the people could not pay any more. Then there was a sum of 5781. for expenses connected with the visits to this country of the Grand Duke of Russia, the Prince of Leiningen, the Dutchess of Braganca, and the King of the Belgians : surely persons in such a station ought to pay their own expenses. 'Then came the following items—the sum of 406/. incidental ncidental expenses incurred by one of the officers of the Tower of London; the sum of 2,7021. for the Marshal of the Queen's Bench, for the amount of salary and expenses for a year and a quarter to the 30th September 1840; and 360/. for officers connected with the Court of Exchequer : of all these payments he should like to have some explanation. Then came a sum of 4871. 16s. 6d. for the expenses of appointing the Right Honourable C. P. Thomson Governor-General and Captain-General of the Forces in the colony of Canada : he believed that the salary of the Governor-General was not less than 7,0001., and he really thought that out of that stipend be should have paid the expenses of his appointment. The last item to which he would refer was a stun of 1,455/. 12s. 4d. paid to sundry persons as of her Majesty's bounty.

Lord Jona RUSSELL observed, that to oblige Ambassadors to pay the expense of their outfit would be tantamount to restricting such ap- pointments to people of large fortune, instead of choosing Ambassadors for their large talents. He had often wished that Colonial Governors had their outfits paid : in the case of Lord Sydenham however, there was a special reason for the allowance, since Lord Sidenham was not secured his government for six years, according to the usual custom ; but he went out in the expectation of only remaining a short time. Lord CLAITDE HAMILTON took the occasion to ask if Dr. Bowling's Reports had been greatly curtailed? Lord PALMERSTON had certainly struck out the word " sovereign " applied in several places to Mehemet Ali, owing to his learned friend's zeal inthe Pasha's cause, as the phrase did not seem to him quite cor- rect. He had also struck out various passages, most of them extracts from other works, eulogistic of the Pasha's character and policy, which appeared to him to have nothing to do with the subject matter of the inquiries. But he had made no alteration whatever in the statistical portion of the Report. On the vote of 51,654/. for Public Buildings, Mr. WI:Luang objected to the sum of 49,500/. for Royal Palaces. There were not less than nine of these Palaces kept up ; and among them there was the Palace at Claremont, kept up at an expense of 14,0001. annually for the King of the Belgians. If the expenses he bad alluded to were at all con- nected with the Queen's comfort, not one of her subjects would wish to stop them ; but it was notorious that her Majesty never even saw half these Palaces.

Mr. WAHLEY observed, that Mr. Williams had made a very good speech in its way, but one of no possible advantage to the public in the present condition of affairs. The Estimates before the House had been framed by the late Government, and they exhibited an utter recklessness of expenditure. The great difficulty, however, he must say, with which Governments had to contend, was the wantonness of the House itself as to public expenditure— Only a very few paid any attention at all to the subject of Estimates ; scarcely any one but his honourable friend had a passion for figures. To the vast majority of the House, Estimates were exceedingly tedious and uninterest- ing, and produced flight in alarmed precipitancy. The Estimates now before the House had been framed by the late Government : there had recently been a change in office ; a Conservative Ministry had been formed, of talent, expe- rience, and honour—having the confidence of the wealth and to a great extent of the intelligence of the nation. Against such a Government it was useless just now to contend. The Liberal party must be patient ; they must bear and forbear, and wait till, after a fair trial, supposing good measures were not brought forward and the curtailments of expense effected which the people had a right to expect, another appeal might be made to the nation. Mr. Wakley defended Sir Robert Peel from the charge of having said that he should postpone the production of his plans for five months : he had said no such thing; he had only asked for reasonable time, and time he mast have. Mr. Wakley went on to object to some of the Estimates which had already been pointed out for animadversion by Mr. Williams.

Mr. FIELDEN was surprised at some parts of Mr. Wakley's speech ; and he stood up for the old constitutional practice of redressing the People's grievances first and voting the Supplies afterwards.

The vote of 50,000/. for the expenses of the Caledonial Canal, ob- jected to by Mr. WILLIAMS, was withdrawn by Sir ROBERT PEEL; who observed, that a sum of money had been expended on the undertaking, which there was a natural reluctance to lose; but if no public advantage was likely to accrue from following it up, he thought the sooner it was abandoned the better. No further expenditure ought to take place until an impartial inquiry should be entered into with respect to -the probable advantages which would result from the project.

CHURCH-EXTENSION.

On Monday, Mr. HAWES asked Sir Robert Inglis whether it was his intention to renew this session, or next session, the motion which he made in the last session of Parliament for an address to the Crown praying for some provision for Church-extension ?

Sir ROBERT Imams replied categorically—It was not his intention in the course of the present session to renew the motion for Church-ex- tension, of which he had given notice last session of Parliament. With respect to any motion which might be made in another session of Par- lament, it was sufficient for him to postpone any answer, and request the House to postpone requiring it, till that session arrived.

CONTINUANCE OF THE POOR-LAW Cosistissrox.

Sir ROBERT PEEL obtained leave, on Tuesday, to introduce a bill, separated from the general bill for the Continuance of Expiring Laws, to continue the Poor-law Commission Act to the 31st July 1842, (the Poor-law itself being permanent.) New Members, who desired to can- vass particular parts of the measure, should understand that their ob- jections ought to be put, not in the -shape of amendments, but in the Icrin of instruction to the Committee. Sir JAMES Gamiest afterwards brrsight in the separate bill. Mr. R. H. YORKE gave notice of an in- struction m the Committee to prevent the separation of man and wife, when they mite: a warahoase 1rra ieal infirmity or distress, and not from vice or crime.

On the second reading of the Commission Continuance Bill, on Wed- nesday, Dr. BOWRING expressed his willingness to allow the question to remain without interference in the hands of Sir Robert Peel.

Mr. WoliamEr having hoped that an opportunity would be afforded to Members to signify their opinions on the subject, Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he should move that the House go into Committee on the bill on Friday ; and that would furnish the opportunity required. He had been told that an impression existed in Ireland, that in conse- quence of the change of Government alterations to a material extent would be made in the Irish Poor-law, and that the impression counter- acted the beneficial operation of the law in some parts of Ireland : he would take that opportunity of stating, that Government had no inten- tion whatever to propose any change in the Irish Poor-law. Mr. WeitiEr never expected to be called upon to vote for the con- tinuance of the Poor-law Commission ; but if Sir Robert Peel were at- tacked upon the proposition to continue it for six months, he should feel compelled to endeavour to defend him, in order to establish a defence for himself. Sir Robert had opposed the continuance of the Commis- sion for ten years, and had proposed to limit it to five; and under the plea of consistency he might now have proposed to continue it for five years ; but he merely continued it for six months. Mr. Wakley asserted that no Minister of the Crown, whatever his political opinions might be, had ever shown greater deference for public opinion than Sir Robert Peel had upon this subject. Mr. RICE could not disconnect the Poor-law from the Corn-law ; and since Sir Robert Peel was not prepared to state what he should do with the Poor-law as a whole, he ought not to allow partial discussions of it.

Sir ROBERT PEEL took advantage of this remark to strengthen his position in postponing the Corn-law discussion— The honourable Member opposite said that the Poor-law and Corn-law questions ought to be settled together : supposing this to be right, it would have been his duty, on accepting office, not merely at once to have brought for- ward a bill for the adjustment of the Corn-laws, but to submit to the con- sideration of the House, during the present session of Parliament, all the modifications which it might be the intention of the Government to suggest respecting the permanent improvement of the Poor-law. Now be asked the House, whether the Government could possibly do justice to the Poor-law question, without having an opportunity of considering the local operations and bearings of that law throughout the country. Would it be possible for a Go- vernment, without availing itself of that information which the Commissioners could enable them to procure, to take a question of such immense importance, upon which it was desirable to conciliate the public mind, into their immediate consideration, within a week of their acceptance of office to be prepared, not only with a bill for the amendment of the Corn-law, but also with one for the amendment and regulation of the entire Poor-law ? Whatever might have been the intention of the honourable Member, a more powerful justification of the course pursued by the Government had not yet been made. He thanked Mr. Wakley for his vindication, but he could not accept it— He did not, by proposing the continuance of the Commission for six months, mean to imply any reflection on the determination to which the House might come upon his suggestion : he proposed it in conformity with the principle on which he had acted, namely, that it was not desirable to call upon the Holm to discuss important matters of extensive bearing during the present session of Parliament ; entirely reserving to himself the power, after mature consideration, of making a proposal of a more extended character, or such other proposal as the Government might deem necessary for the public interests, when the Par- liament should again assemble.

Afterwards, Sir HESKETII FLEETWOOD having expressed a hope that it was distinctly understood that no person who voted for the motion implied his approval of the Poor-law, Sir ROBERT PEEL observed, that the present was a separate bill, to continue for a given time the Poor- law Commission ; and he added a more decided caveat against meddling with the general law in dealing with the bill before the House— He would at once state, that he meant to oppose any amendments that might be brought forward in the discussion upon the present measure which would affect the principle or the operation of the Poor-law itself. Ile had already said he would give honourable gentlemen every opportunity of opposing the present measure, and he certainly could not prevent them from discussing amendments having for their object alterations in the Poor-law ; but he could not permit any suet, amendments to be introduced into the present bill, which was one merely for the continuance of the Commission. In the course of other remarks, Mr. LEFROY bore testimony to the generally successful working of the Irish Poor-law. Mr. FrEmprte asked why, as the Poor-law was so baneful, the Commission should be continued for another day? Mr. Escorr would not oppose the second reading of the bill, as there was not sufficient information before the House upon which Parliament could honestly and fairly legislate. Mr. WARD took this remark to prove Mr. Escott's own ignorance; for there was no measure in the history of the country as to which such ample details had been received by the House. Mr. FERRAND observed, that his constituents in Knaresborough must have felt strongly on the sub- ject, when it made them burst the bonds with which the Duke of Devon- shire had enchained them for a hundred and fifty years. Quoting a phrase used in a former debate, Mr. Ferrand charged the late Govern- ment with having subsisted by favour of "enormous lying." He was stopped by the SPEAKER; who told Mr. Ferrand, that when he had a little more experience in the House, he would see that the language he had used was unbecoming that dignity of debate which was necessary to maintain for the House the respect of the country. Mr. FERRAND freely apologized.

The bill having been read a second time, Mr. WAKLEY hoped that the Committee on it would be postponed beyond Friday, in order to allow more discussion.

Sir ROBERT PEEL felt that any postponement beyond that day would imply on his part an assent to opinions which he certainly did not en- tertain. Undoubtedly he could not prevent a discussion; btu really, in Committee on a mere continuing bill, he thought all discussion on the principles and provisions of the new Poor-law irrelevant. The Committee of the bill was then fixed for Friday. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD gave notice of an instruction to the Com- mittee to prevent the establishment of any new Unions, and to restrict the Cssiamissioners from issuing any order to disallow out-door relief.

CUSTODY OF THE INSANE.

On the motion for going into Committee on the bill to continue the Lunatic Act for three years longer, Mr. \VARLET objected to the con- tinuance of the law for so long a period : the whole subject must be considered at no distant day ; and though the Committee under the Act had done much in the cause of humanity, it had not done enough. The Committee, indeed, had not sufficient powers to do full justice to the patients in lunatic asylums ; and their superintendence only extended for a short distance round the Metropolis. Why should one system be adopted in London and another in the country ? Why should licences to keep insane persons in custody be granted by the Commissioners in one place and by the Justices of the Peace in another? There was one regulation which ought not to be sanctioned for a single moment— Suppose . ay one was desirous to keep a lunatic asylum for two persons, he must apply to the Commissioners before he could do so ; but if he were anxious to take only one under his charge, neither Lord Ashley nor his colleagues had any power of visitation as to that patient. So that, in point of fact, in one town fifty persons might be unjustly confined separately, through the atrocious conduct of their relatives, and the Commissioners could not visit one of those fifty. He had heard of a case of a lady of family and distinction which he would mention to the House. A friend of that lady tried to obtain an inter- view with her, but could not succeed ; he tried to communicate by means of writing, but could not succeed; nay, he even endeavoured to find out where she was confined, but could not obtain a knowledge of the place of her concealment. Was such a system to be sanctioned in an intelligent and Chris- tian land ? He was convinced there were hundreds confined in the lunatic asylums of this country who were as sane as any who sat in that House—in- deed more so in some instances. Again, the Commissioners could liberate persons unjustly confined ; but not until they had paid them three visits, and six weeks must elapse before all those visits were made. The system ought to be uniform throughout the country, and ought to be amended altogether— It had been shown, within a brief period, that an enormous number of patients in one asylum might exist almost without restraint—that the chains and manacles which used to be hung upon the limbs of these unfortunate per- sons might be entirely laid aside, merely by the appointment of an additional number of keepers and intelligent and humane superintendents. He alluded to the treatment of lunatics in the Asylum of Middlesex, where the Magistrates had so conducted themselves as to deserve the admiration of every one. In that asylum there were nearly a thousand patients, yet not one was fastened to his bed or had a chain upon his limbs. He entreated the House to observe the operation of the law as regarded lunatics. Suppose he had a relation who was possessed of a large fortune : he perceived certain eccentricities in the conduct of that individual : from the great affection he had for that relative, and the still greater affection he had for his property, Ile causes a commission of lunacy to he issued out, and discovering him to be insane, places him in con- finement. Then what motive of action was given, under the present system, to the person under whose charge the lunatic was placed ? Why, it called into operation the principle of selfishness common to human nature : the proprietor of the asylum would argue that he got 4001. a year for the charge of the gen- tleman so long as he remained under that roof, but if he recovered then he would lose that annual amount. Suppose a gentleman was to go to a doctor and say, "My liver is diseased, and so long as it remains so I will give you 100/. a year, what motive of action in such a case would be given to the doctor?

The House ought to set about to discover a remedy for these things, and a system of investigation and control should be instituted which would prevent the possibility of such atrocious practices being continued. Mr. Wakley finished by moving that the words "one year" be substi- tuted for "three years."

Mr. HAWES seconded the amendment. Under special circumstances, a single apothecary might consign a man to confinement for ever ; and

in the case of a pauper, in the provinces, the intervention even of an apothecary was unnecessary—a single Justice of the Peace could con- sign the man to a lunatic asylum. Lord Asur.e.y said, that the act did not direct methods for the cure of insane persons : it was merely an act for the purpose of controlling the enormous abuses which had from time to time been laid before Com- mittees of the House. The Commissioners periodically laid reports before the Lord Chancellor ; and in a short time Lord Ashley would be called upon to bring those reports before the House from 1835, to show the progress which had been made. As it is, the Commissioners have

great difficulty in keeping the lunatic asylums within due bounds ; and if the proprietors of these houses became aware that the existence of the Commission was to terminate in twelve months, the difficulty would be much aggravated. Within the Metropolis and seven miles round, the Commissioners had brought the asylums into a complete state of order ; they did not omit to visit any where a single human being was confined. The provincial asylums had no visitation whatever that was worthy of the name : as a proof, although the Commissioners ought to be supplied with exact returns of all those asylums, there were many in the country of which they had no knowledge at all. It was almost impossible, under the present system, to carry out the intentions of the act with respect to those provincial asylums. One fact in the treatment of lunatics showed the necessity for some amendment in the system— No sooner was a person confined in a lunatic asylum, (he spoke of course not without exceptions, but yet as a pretty general rule,) than from that hour it appeared as though all the relatives, even the nearest of that unfortunate indi- vidual, thought themselves discharged from the solemn duty of watching over him. It appeared, indeed, as if insanity was a visitation of Providence so awful and overwhelming that it produced a withering and deadly effect upon the minds not only of the unhappy patient but of all who were connected with him, so as to incline them not only to get rid of his society, but to wipe out, if pos- sible, all memory of him. That was an additional reason why not only in the Metropolitan districts, but in the provinces, there should be instituted a strict, vigorous, and most searching investigation, that should compel relatives to come forward and take upon themselves that solemn duty, of the extended neglect of which he could convey to the House no accurate notion. If the House thought fit to renew the Commission for three years, all the energies and abilities that he could command should be devoted to the subject. He thought the Commissioners would be enabled to pro- pound to the House a scheme whereby the management of lunatics throughout the country should be put upon one general and uniform footing, and, above all, by which a complete and effective system of visitation should be established over all private asylums. Mr. WAKLEY argued, that Lord Ashley's speech completely made out a case for a shorter renewal.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM perfectly agreed with Mr. Wakley as to the sa- lutary effect of bringing the conduct of the Commissioners, and indeed of all public servants, frequently under the revision of the House ; but, in the present case, he thought that an annual revision would be more frequent than was necessary. As to an extension of the Commissioners' powers, he should be prepared to consider and assent to any proposition which the humanity of the subject might seem to demand.

THE LATE MEMBER STILL SITTING IN THE HOUSE. On Monday, Mr. TETNELL, and afterwards Sir THOMAS WILDE, drew attention to the fact that Sir Edward Sugden still retained his seat in the House, although he had been appointed to the Irish Chancellorship. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that although Sir Edward's appointment was fully intended, in fact no change bad as yet taken place, and no formal steps had been taken which rendered it illegal for Sir Edward to retain his seat Sir EDWARD SUGDEN said, he stood upon his rights as Mem- ber for Ripon. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that it was customary upon the formal acceptance of office for a new writ to be moved. After a long conversation, the matter dropped for the day. Sir THOMAS WILDE, however, did not let the matter rest there : on 'Tuesday, he took it up again, and repeated his questioning as to why a -new writ had not been issued for Ripon. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that according to his interpretation of the law, he did not perceive that it was necessary for any gentleman to whom office had been offered, to vacate his seat in Parliament until the completion of the formal proceedings which might be considered to con- stitute the formal appointment. If SirThomas Wilde's views were en- forced, the greatest inconvenience might be sustained by gentlemen -who, after having an offer made them, and having thereupon vacated their seats, had the offer, from some cause or other, revoked. As, how- ever, in the present case, the formal instruments had advanced to such a stage as practically to preclude a revocation of the offer, if Sir Thomas thought proper to move a new writ for Ripon, he should make no sort of objection to the motion.

Sir THOMAS WILDE said, he never heard any thing fall from Sir Robert Peel -with more regret : such a doctrine, uttered with the weight and authority which attach to Sir Robert's speeches, was very danger- ous to the country. Sir Robert could not have considered either the language or object of the statute of Queen Anne- " There is not the slightest foundation for the proposition that any more formal act of acceptance of an office under the Crown is necessary to vacate the seat, than the announcement of the fact to this House by the First Minis- ter of the Crown, confirmed by the statement of the Member himself; and I am prepared to satisfy the House that it is quite immaterial whether the place is conferred by patent or in any other mode."

Sir Thomas pointed out a ludicrous consequence of the new rule laid down by Sir Robert and Sir Edward Sugden-

When the right honourable gentleman the lute Member for Ripon contended that it was necessary to the vacating of the seat that the patent granting the office should be issued and accepted, he entirely overlooked the convenience and safety of several of the honourable gentlemen around him; all of whom, acting contrary to his view, have treated their intimation of acquiescence to the First Lord of the Treasury in the offer made to them of their respective appointments as an acceptance by them of such appointments within the meaning of the act of Parliament, and as having vacated their seats, and, acting upon such conviction, have procured themselves to be reillected by their several constituencies. But if the opinions of the right honourable Baronet and the late Member for Ripon be correct, those honourable gentlemen will have to go -back to their constituents again, for many of their patents are not sealed at the present moment ; and the right honourable Member for Dorchester will have the happy opportunity for another oratorical display in his ingenious misappre- hension of some of the dinner-speeches which may be delivered in the mean time. The conduct of these honourable gentlemen, acting with the concurrence of the right honourable Baronet, manifests the real opinion entertained by that side of the House.

Sir Robert Peel's doctrine however, had yet graver consequences-

" Be says some act of formalacceptance in writing ought to be the founda- tion for the vacating the seat of a Member, and that some solemn act should be done by the Crown to secure to the Member the certainty of the office the ac- ceptance of which is to deprive the Member of his seat. But surely it is ob- vious, that a more direct evasion of the statute cannot be imagined, nor a more successful attack upon the independence of Parliament, than that the Crown by its First Minister should make a distinct offer of a place which the Crown has the power of bestowing, and that the Member should declare his accept- ance of that office, and yet should retain his seat for any indefinite period, during which it might suit the purposes of the Minister to delay the formal act of appointment, in order that in the interval he might possess the vote of the Member, and should during that time effectually control the voter by his fears that a vote displeasing to the Minister would deprive him of the reward of his corruption. The state of dependence thus produced is utterly inconsistent with the unbiassed discharge of his duty to his constituents; and is the very evil contemplated by the statute, and for which the remedy of sending him back to his constituents was devised."

Sir Thomas moved that a writ be issued for the election of a burgess to serve for the city of Ripon in the room of Sir Edward Sugden, Knight, who had accepted the Office of Lord Chancellor of Ireland.

Sir ROBERT PEEL here observed, that he himself had not vacated his seat until the patent of office was in his hand.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM likewise had not vacated his seat until he had kissed hands on his appointment.

Sir THOMAS WILDE—" A very pleasant employment I" Mr. CHARLES WOOD said, that Sir Robert Peel's doctrine was dis- tinctly at variance with the decision of a Committee in the case of Mr. Wynn, a year and a half back— In that case, there was no pretence for saying that any appointment had been completed, further than that Mr. Wynn himself said that he considered his appointment to date from a letter he had received from the Chancellor of the Exchequer making him an offer of the appointment : no formal instru- ment was in preparation until some time after the election itself actually took place. Mr. Wood was only anxious that some step should be taken to deter- mine what was or what was not an acceptance of office so as to vacate a seat in Parliament.

Sir ROBERT PEEL suggested, that there ought to be some written re- cord of the appointment, to cause a vacancy- " I should have no objection whatever, that it should be understood that the tender of an office under the Crown in writing, and the acceptsece of it, also in writing, by the person to whom it was offered, should cone' .e a vacation of the seat. I think there ought to be some record of the transaction, and that it should not be left to rest upon mere conversation. In Mr. Horsman's case, there could be no doubt that he had written to his constituents that office had been offered to him, and that he had accepted it ; yet he voted in the House after the date of that letter, and the House did not interfere."

Lord JOHN RUSSELL doubted the expediency of such a rule, especially with subordinate members of the Government : the superior Ministers of course kissed hands on their appointment, but the others were merely informed that they were appointed.

Sir Thomas Wilde's motion was put and agreed to.

PRIVATE BILL COMMITTEES.

On Tuesday, Mr. EWART brought forward the following resolutions for the improvement of Committees on Private Bills-

" 1. That it is expedient that Committees on Private Bills should be ap-

proximated more nearly than they now are to judicial tribunals, and exempted as much as possible from all motives of local and personal interest ; and that the responsibility and efficiency of such Committees would be promoted by diminishing the number of Members composing them. "2. That with a view of attaining these objects, the number of Members composing Committees on opposed Private Bills be reduced to seven. "3. That such seven Members be appointed by the Committee of Selection, after the second reading of such bills ; bat that, previous to each appointment, the Committee of Selection do ascertain from each of such seven Members that he is willing to serve, and that he is neither through his constituents nor himself isssonally interested for or against the bill in question ; and that, in case he is unable to serve, or is interested as aforesaid, the Committee of Se- lection do appoint some Member to serve in place of him. "4. That the Committee of Selection appoint no Member to serve on more that one such Private Bill Committee at a time."

Mr. Ewart observed that the most experienced Parliamentary agents complained of the partiality and injustice of the existing system. lie moved the first resolution of the series.

Mr. ESTCOURT had heard of no complaint as to the justice and im- partiality of the Private Bill Committees. He thought that the prin- ciple of representing local interests ought to have due weight in the constitution of such Committees ; which partook not more of the cha- racter of a judicial tribunal than of an inquisition. He should, as an amendment, move the previous question.

Mr. W. B. FERRAND supported the resolutions; which were opposed by Sir GEORGE CLERK. Lord JOHN RUSSELL was prepared to assent to the principle of the resolutions, that the Committees ought to be assimilated to judicial tribunals; but he could not agree to the total exclusion of persons having local interests.

Mr. AGLIONBY supported the resolutions. He conceived that the constituencies had a right to the services of their representatives; but the latter should appear as witnesses, and not as impure judges. Sir ROBERT PEEL observed, that great improvements had already been introduced by Lord Dunfermline and the present Speaker ; and he thought that the existing system ought to have a fair trial. As to the representatives of a constituency claiming to be heard as witnesses, what would be the probable effect of such a practice ?- Take a case : let it be supposed that there was a railway to be defeated ; there would be the Representatives of several counties and towns : according to the assumption of the honourable gentleman, they would be bound to attend, and would have a right to be heard; and then the object teing to have the bill postponed, the decision of the Committee must be delayed until it would baton late to proceed with the bill. The moment they admitted the right of those persons to be heard, they could not limit the time which they might occupy in peaking. If the contending parties appeared by counsel, there was a difficulty in restraining even them within reasonable limits—he had seen a dreadful con- sumption of time and waste of money in these matters—he had seen how diffi- cult it was for Chairmen to control counsel; but how much more difficult to control Members, who would appear with a greater authority than could invest the character of counsel. The unfortunate Committee, unless it showed symp- toms of yielding to the opposition, would be soon reduced to a despairing quorum—even if they could get a quorum—and at last might throw up the duty devolved upon them in disgust.

The proposal to exclude the representatives of local interests was a very strong measure, and required very serious consideration. He be- lieved that the best security must be the integrity of Members, con- trolled by public opinion.

Mr. EWART was perfectly aware that the majority must be against him, and he should not waste the time of the House by forcing a divi- sion. But he should continue to press the subject on the attention of the House as long as he had the honour of a seat in it.

The motion and amendment were both withdrawn.

SYRIAN IMPORT-DUTIES.

On Monday, Dr. BOWRING called attention to the oppressive regula- tions of the Porte in respect to the Import-duties in Syria. For a very long time past there had existed between this country and the Ottoman empire treaties known by the name of the Capitulation Treaties. By those treaties, a duty of 3 per cent. was agreed to be imposed upon all exports and imports. But in portions of the empire into which those duties were introduced there were very heavy charges and impediments ; to remedy which grievance, in 1836 a treaty was entered into, by which it was agreed that instead of the 3 per cent, formerly levied upon exports 12 per cent. should be collected by the Turkish empire, and that instead of the 3 per cent. upon imports there should in future be a duty of 5 per cent. At the same time, however, all internal taxes or impediments were to be put an end to. Wow, he was very ready to admit, that as far as Turkey Proper was concerned, the treaty to which he had last referred was of the utmost commercial import- ance; but it was forgotten that in the execution of it elsewhere many difficulties had arisen, and that there were many of the dependencies of the empire where the 12 per cent, duty free from all obstructions was not levied at all, but where the old duty of 3 per cent, on exports and imports was still levied. Ile referred principally to the provinces of the Danube, Bulgaria, Moldavia, and Wallachia, where the old duties were still levied, and where there was no interference on the part of the Porte. In Arabia also the treaty had been found utterly in- applicable ; and the same observation would apply to Egypt, where the pay- ment of tribute by the Viceroy prevented the operation of the treaty in ques- tion. But in Syria the operation of the treaty had been most injurious, and cruelly oppressive."

A subordinate British officer, Mr. Wood, bad been sent to Syria to sow the seeds of discontent with the Egyptian rule ; the Syrians had suffered much in the late conflicts ; and Dr. Bowring wished to know whether Ministers were cognizant of the fact that the duties on exports and imports had been greatly increased by the Turkish authorities in Syria, notwithstanding their engagement to the contrary.

Sir ROBERT PEEL was not prepared to deny that abuses might have existed here and there in the enforcement of the new Turkish duties ; but upon the whole, so far as British interests were concerned, the oper- ation of the treaty had been beneficial. There was every disposition on the part of Ministers to use their influence to secure to the Syrians all the advantages held out to them by the Turkish emissary ; but the great object of the Syrian operations having been to restore the inde- pendence of Turkey, it was not very easy for Foreign Powers to inter- fere beyond certain limits in respect to the acts of the Turkish Govern- ment.

Lord PALMERSTON added an appendix to Dr. Bowring's statement— When first Syria was restored to the lawful dominion of the Sultan, some officers, Monhassils and Defterdars, were sent to collect the revenues ; and it was perfectly true they had committed great excesses. On being made known to the Turkish Government, every desire was manifested to correct those abuses; and persons duly authorized were put in communication with the people of Lebanon and other parts of Syria, for the purpose of making some satisfactory arrangements with regard to the tribute they should pay ; and, be- fore leaving office, he had reason to believe that some arrangement would be made, which, for a certain number of years, would relieve the people of Le- banon from any thing which could be considered oppressive.

Mr. Wood, Lord Palmerston said, was not the representative of Britain in Syria, but was directly authorized by the Porte to make the representations which he did.

The matter dropped here.

BRITISH SUBJECTS DEALING LN SLAVES.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society— The petitioners stated, among other things, that several British Mining Com- panies were established in the Brazils and Cuba ; that these mines were worked chiefly by slaves ; and that British capital was employed by British subjects in the purchase of newly-imported slaves from Africa, to supply the waste and mortality and other exigencies connected with those mines. Now, though it might be lawful for the subjects of.some foreign countries to embark in the slave-trade in those countries, it was not so with British subjects ; for, no matter whether the trading in slaves in some foreign countries was illegal or not, if a British subject was proved to have been engaged in carrying on the slave-trade in such countries, he would be liable to be tried and convicted as a felon and a pirate, and to sentence of transportation for life, as the law now stood; but as it stood a few sessions back, he would be liable to the punishment of death. The question, then, would arise, whether it would, according to our law, be considered a trading in slaves to purchase newly imported Negroes from Africa ? On that point there could be no manner of doubt, that the British subject so employing his capital wciuld subject himself on conviction to the penalty of transportation for life. The petitioners further complained, that officers belonging to the British Army and Navy held appointments under the companies to which he had referred. British banking companies had been formed in those countries where the dealing in African slaves was carried on ; and these banking companies were the consignees of goods from British merchants' which they did not dispose of at a price, but it was a condition of the sale that the price was to be a share to a certain extent in the profits which were to be made from the dealing in slaves. Now it was quite clear that this was illegal, and subjected all the British subjects engaged in it to the penalties he had mentioned. The petitioners prayed their Lordships to extend the pro- visions of the 5th of George IV. to such dealings in slaves as they had de- scribed, and to appoint a Committee to inquire into the whole of the allegations of the petitioners. The Earl of RIPON thought that the allegations would form a ground for farther inquiry. CATHOLICS rti Lord CLIFFORD moved, on Thursday, for copies of correspondence between the Governor-General of India, the Government of Madras, and the Government of Goa, relative to the treatment of certain Catho- lies in India. It being desirable that Irish regiments in India, composed almost entirely of Catholics, should be supplied with religious instructors of a superior character to the Portuguese priests, who were mostly un- acquainted with the English language, application was made to the Government in order to have the want supplied. The Reverend Mr. Kenny was sent out from Ireland to India for this purpose ; and on his way he visited Rome, where the Pope recognized him in the official character of head or superintendent of the Catholic Church in the part of India to which he was going. On his arrival, the Portuguese priests sent a letter to the Governor-General, demanding on the part of the Portuguese Crown the exclusive right of introducing priests of the Catholic persuasion into our Indian possessions at Madras. Priests sent out from this couptry had built chapels, and had kept possession of them for six years ; and at the end of that period they were called upon. to give them up. Because they had refused to do so they had been put to the torture by the magistrates of the place. Lord ELLENBOROUGH asked for the exact words of Lord Clifford's informant in the statement as to the use of torture : when it appeared that it was in French, thus—" Es out eto surrnis aux torments." Lord Ellenborough doubted whether some enthusiastic foreigner, writing to Lord Clifford on the subject, had not used a term which was intended to bear the misinterpretation which had been put upon it. The Portu- guese priests had conducted themselves in a peaceable and orderly manner. For more than two centuries they had administered the rites of their religion to all Roman Catholics in India ; and when a quarrel arose between them and the Irish priests about the temporalities of their church, the question was carried into the civil courts, where it was decided in favour of the Portuguese.

The motion for papers was agreed to.

SAFETY FOR BATHERS AND SKATERS.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. RENNIE moved, that an humble address be presented to the Queen, praying her to "direct her Commissioners of Land and Revenues to take measures for rendering safer the recreations of bathing in and skating on the ornamental waters of Hyde Park, St. James's, and the Regent's Park, by filling up the deep and dangerous places, so as to leave not exceeding four feet depth of water in any of the above-mentioned Parks." Mr. Rennie quoted a return of the number of accidents in the waters in question ; from which it appeared that in five years and a half there were no fewer than 34 persons drowned, and 335 recovered by medical pro- cess. During the same period, the Royal Humane Society had ex- pended 6,337/. in the humane attempt to prevent fatal accidents. In the Regent's Park there had been no fatal accident, owing to the shal- lowness of the water.

Mr. EWART seconded the motion.

The CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER said that 10,000/. or 20,000/. had already been expended to make the waters deeper, in order to pre- vent the noisome exhalations which had rendered the Serpentine a ge- neral nuisance as long as it was shallow. If that water were filled up, too, it would drive swimmers to the Thames, and he believed that the proportion of the loss of life would be very greatly increased.

The motion was withdrawn.

MISCELLANEOUS.

NAVY AND ORDNANCE APPOINTMENTS. Before going into Com- mittee of Supply on Monday, Sir CHARLES NAPIER objected to the absence of a Navy officer at the head of the Board of Ordnance, and still more to the appointment of a civilian to the head of the Admiralty. Sir ROBERT PEEL justified the latter appointment by precedent ; and Sir JIENRY HARDINGE observed that while he was at the Board a civilian had presided. Sir CHARLES NAPIER said, that Sir George Cockburn himself had told him that the only proper way to rule the Navy was by placing an Admiral at the head of it. Captain PECHELL was of a similar opinion. On Tuesday, Sir CnanLEs NAPIER gave notice of a motion next session, to declare that a Naval officer should be appointed to the head of the Admiralty.

WAYS AND MEANS..1Ir. WILLIAMS asked Mr. Goulhurn, on Monday, when he intended to bring the consideration of the Ways and Means before the House ? The CHANCELLOR or THE EXCHEQUER replied, probably on Monday next, but it depended on the passing of the votes of Supply.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT. On Tuesday, in reply to Mr. VILLIERS, who referred to what Mr. Wakley had said about Sir Robert Peel's not postponing the next meeting of Parliament for five mouths, Sir ROBERT disclaimed the honour of having had any confidential communication with the Member for Finsbury; and stated that it was necessarily out of his power positively to fix the time at which Parliament would re- assemble. Mr. VILLIERS said, that it might be assumed, then, that Par- liament would meet at the usual time, in February.

CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. The SPEAKER stated, that as it seemed the general wish of the House not immadiately to proceed to the con- sideration of election-petitions, lie would fix the 21st October as the first day of meeting for the General Committee of Elections. The SPEAKER has appointed the following gentlemen to be members of the General Committee of Elections during the present session— Viscount Sandon (Liverpool), Sir George Grey (Devonport), the Honour- able Sidney Herbert (South Wiltshire), 5Ir. James Lock (Kirkwall Burghs), Mr. John Wilson Patten (North Lancashire), and Mr. Richard More O'er- rail (Kildare).

VENTILATION OF THE NEW HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. The fol- lowing Committee for this department was appointed on Tuesday, on the motion of Sir JAMES GRAHAM— The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Stanley, Sir .Tolin Bohhouse, Sir James Graham, Lord Viscount Palmerston, Lord Franei, E;zerton, Sir Richard Vyvyan, Mr. O'Connell, Sir Robert Inglis, Mr. Wynn, Mr. Francis Thorn- hill Baring, Sir George Clerk, Mr. Hawes, Sir Charles Burrell, Mr. Tufnell, Lord Viscount Sandon, Lord Viscount Barrington, Sir J. Guest, Mr. V. Smith, and Lord Milton.

Local. COURTS. The LORD CHANCEY-Lon stated in the House of Lords on Monday, that the three bills for the establishment of Local Courts, for the Administration of Justice in Chancery, Bankrupt, and Lunacy cases, would not be proceeded with until after the ensuing recess. OBSOLETE LAWS. Lord Bnoccuem presented a petition, on Thurs- day, from the Reverend Sir Harcourt Lees, begging the House to ad- dress the Queen with the prayer that all Jesuits might be expelled from Ireland ; a request in which Lord Brougham did not concur : but apropos of that petition, he called attention to the remaining of several obsolete laws on the Statute-book, which malice might revive. Such a law had been revived in a recent case, where men were fined for not attending church on Sunday. Another law was of a still more outrageous de- scription— It was enacted, that if any captain of a vessel should take beyond the sea any woman or any child, or any person under the age of twenty-one, he should be liable to the forfeiture of his ship aml all his goods, and be subject to per- petual imprisonment. This act was passed in the reign of James the First ; and its object was to prevent Catholic females being sent abroad to convents, or children of Catholic parents being sent abroad for the purpose of education: but the words of the act were general, and were not confined to time or place. This act had never been repealed.

EDUCATION. Mr. Ewsitr gave notice, in the House of Commons, on Monday, that he should move an address to the Queen praying that there may be laid before Parliament, by a responsible Minister of the Crown, an account of the state of the education of the people of this country.

IMPORT-DUTIES. Mr. EWART also announced, that it WS his in- tention to move on Wednesday next, "That the principles laid down by the Committee appointed during the last Parliament to inquire into the Import-duties are of essential importance to the trade and commerce of the people of this country, and that those principles ought to be acted upon by any Government that seeks to carry with it the confidence of the country."

SLAVE-TRADE. In reply to Sir EARDLEY WLLMOT, ViSCOIIIII PAL- MERSTON said, that information had been received by the late Govern- ment, stating that as many, he believed, as six vessels were being fitted out at Hamburg to be employed in the slave-trade. He had communi- cated that information to the Board of Admiralty, in order that the necessary directions might be given to the cruisers on the coast of Africa, in case the report should turn out to be true.