NEWS OF THE WEEK.

'THE latest news from the Indian frontier is, on the whole, satisfactory. The chief fact of importance is that the two British commands—those of General Blood and General Elles —which are operating in the northern half of the theatre of war (i.e., the country of the Mohmands) have joined hands. We have in another column described the military situation on the frontier, the objective of the troops, and the geographical conditions of the problem. Here we will only note the -chief actions of the week. On Sunday last, Septem- ber 19th, General Blood's third brigade, encamped at Nawagai, was attacked at midnight by the Hadda Moollah. About one thousand two hundred men attacked, but only in a half-hearted manner, and they were soon driven off. On the next night (Monday) a more serious attack was made by at least three thousand men. Simultaneous rushes on several sides were repeatedly made, and the firing was con- tinuous for several hours. The troops, the General reports, were admirably steady, and repulsed all attacks with loss. On Tuesday, September 21st, General Elles and General Blood got in touch, General Elles marching to within six miles of Nawagai. General Blood then placed his third brigade at the disposal of General Elles in order that he might attack Bedmanai. General Blood has himself joined General Jeffreys, who is meeting with considerable resistance in the Mohmand country.

On Thursday, September 23rd, General Elles successfully attacked the Mohmands on the Bedmanai Pass. There was some opposition, but ultimately the enemy were driven off and the force encamped at Bedmanai village, beyond the pass, the heights of which we now hold. The 20th Punjab Infantry, with the Maxim-gun detachments, saysthe Times' correspondent at Simla, are mentioned in high terms of praise as having stormed the heights. The 20th is the regiment which has two companies of Afridis. General Elles is to push on towards the Hadda Moollah's village of Jarobi. We shall probably, therefore, before long hear of another engagement. Our forces are clearly well and cautiously led, but the difficulties are enormous. It is a lion fighting a goat, and in the goat's own country.

Though the peace preliminaries have now been signed for a week, little or no progress has taken place in the direction of the evacuation of Thessaly by the Turks. The next step in the weary and humiliating business is the obtaining of the assent of the Greek Chamber to the law providing for the appointment of an international Commission to control the revenues to be assigned for the service of the Debt. It does not appear certain that the Chamber will readily endorse the scheme of the Powers, but we presume that in the end they will be forced to yield. In order that there shall be no mistake on this point, Count Muravieff has declared to the Greek Minister in St. Petersburg that the European Concert con- siders its mission at an end. He added that any decision that Greece might take she would take "at her own risk and peril." Meantime most of the Greek newspapers are preaching a. national crusade, the Thessalian refugees have sent to the Press a protest against the proposal for a temporary abandon- ment of Thessaly, declaring that they prefer war, and at a meeting in Athens the text of the Treaty was publicly burned. The time for a national crusade is, however, passed. That should have been undertaken three months ago. If the Greeks had refused to make peace at the bidding of Europe, and had risked everything, including their Fleet, in an attempt to seize Salonica and to strike at Edhem's communi- cations, they might have still turned defeat into victory. When the Greeks went to war they should have made up their minds to run all risks and never think of consequences.

While matters are in this precarious state in Athens, Sir Edgar Vincent, in the interests of the Sultan—who, though he is anxious to injure Greece, is still more anxious to finger the gold of the indemnity—is doing his best to make arrange- ments under which a loan can be got on terms which it will be possible for the Greeks to pay. He desires, it is said, to get a guarantee from one or more of the Powers, but this, we confess, seems a hopeless prospect. Meantime the diffi- culties in Crete remain as great as ever. M. de Maugny says in the Gaulois of Thursday that unless something is done, and done speedily, the Concert will be dashed to pieces on the rocks of Crete. All farther dawdling, he says, amounts to giving new handles to the Sultan to deal with Europe on his own terms, and embitters the local feeling between Christians and Mahommedans. As M. de Maugny, according to the Paris correspondent of the Daily Chronicle, "partially takes his in- spiration from the Quai d'Orsay," his words are worth noting. Unquestionably the Cretan question has still within it great potentialities for trouble. All would be well, in spite of the difficulties, if the Powers honestly wished to do the best they could for the island. But unfortunately this is the last thing they think of. Their object is solely the prevention of any occurrence which may seem to menace the peace of Europe.

We have alluded elsewhere to the rumour that an ultimatum has been presented to Spain by the United States requiring Spain, on pain of American intervention, to finish the Cuban war before November lat. Told in this way the story is, of course, too absurd to be true. The better opinion appears to be, however, that the American President has begun to take up a very serious attitude in regard to Cuba,—an attitude preliminary to a demand for the recognition of Cuban inde- pendence. The Times' correspondent at Madrid, who is certain to be well informed on the matter, though he writes guardedly, is evidently impressed with the gravity of the situation.

The agony of Spain proceeds. The last mails from the Philippines show that the rebellion is by no means crashed, as was supposed a few months ago, but gathers ground. There are said to be ten thousand rebels in the field. What, however, is the most serious fact in the situation is that in the Philippines, as in Cuba, the Spanish soldiers are deserting and joining the enemy. It is said that the Philippine rebels are led by some five hundred Spanish deserters from the regulars and gendarmes, and that these are introducing military discipline into the ranks of the natives and half- castes who form the rebel armies. What will be the ultimate fate of the Philippines if they free themselves from Spain P Since the Monroe doctrine does not apply, there is nothing to prevent them falling into the hands of Germany. The Emperor William would have a very good excuse for "protecting them" from the designs of Japan. He might easily find that his conscience would not allow Christian islands to fall under heathen yoke. He would forget his action in Thessaly, and remember only the picture he painted in order to unite Europe against the Yellow Terror.

The magnitude of the sacrifices made by Spain in her attempts to subdue her revolting colonies is seen in the official figures issued by the Spanish Minister of War. The following forces were sent to Cuba between November, 1895, and May, 1897:—Thirteen expeditions, comprising 181,738 men, 6.261 officers, and 40 Generals ; and 91 guns and 12 quick- firing guns. If this tragedy of a nation were not so infinitely pathetic there would be something comic in these 40 Generals utterly helpless before a mob of ragged insurgents. Though only some 188,000 men and officers are enumerated in this list, it does not account for the whole force in Cuba. When the first expedition was sent there was already a large Spanish army in the island. The total, then, is probably 220,000 men. The figures as to the Philippines are proportionately almost as bad. To the Philippines were sent 27,768 soldiers, 881 officers, 9 Generals, and 21 guns. It is curious to think that Spain in the last two years has had a greater experience in transporting men by sea than any nation of modern, or probably ancient, times. To move 200,000 men, and without hiring a single foreign transport, is an astounding perform- ance. Yet this great effort has been absolutely futile.

The visit of the two Emperors to Budapest, which was con- cluded on Tuesday, has apparently been successful. That is, the Emperor William kept his quick and busy brain on the stretch for two days viewing the sights of Badapest, and the Hungarians were delighted to show themselves a separate nation and in no sort of sense a province of Austria. A characteristic story is told of the Emperor's visit to the new and splendid Hungarian Houses of Parliament. Having ascended the gorgeous staircase and entered the superb Cupola Hall, he remained silent for some minutes, over- whelmed with its magnificence. He then said to Professor Steindl, the architect, "I have seen many fine things in the world, but nothing to compare with this." After showering compliments on the architect, he said, "If I had been Emperor when the German Parliament was built our Reichstag building would not be like a packing-case, and certainly nobody but you would have been the architect." At the State banquet on the Tuesday evening the Emperor of Austria delivered himself of the usual pacific platitudes, and described his visitor as "the unwearied fellow-labourer in the great work of peace, to which may we for ever devote our best powers," —a sentiment not unlike that which inspired the Irishmen who were "fighting like devils for conciliation and hating each other for the love of God." The German Emperor, after describing himself as feeling towards his host like a son, was as usual very flamboyant, but not nearly as bellicose in the interests of peace as he often is. Careful, however, to sustain his reputation for omniscience, he ended his speech with a tag of Hungarian, just as in Russia he drilled his regiment in Russian.

It was announced on Monday that the much-negotiated Treaty between France and England in regard to Tunis had been signed. The old Treaty disappears, and with it the rights under the Capitulations enjoyed by England. In exchange for this concession a duty of not more than 5 per cent. ad valorem will be placed on British cottons. The present duty is 8 per cent. The arrangement is to last at least fifteen years. French goods will in future, we presume, be admitted free, as in Algiers. At first sight it may seem as if Lord Salisbury had made a mistake in so greatly obliging France. He has virtually given up the right to treat Tunis as a semi-independent Power, and the Regency now becomes in effect a French colony. Would it not, it will be asked, have been better to have imitated the ways of France in Egypt, and to have answered all French demands with a non possums.

unless and until France formally agreed to do in Egypt as she was done by in Tunis ? On the whole, we think Lord Salisbury was wise. The world is governed in the end by deeds and not words, and our concession to France as regards Tunis will make people here realise that when the time comes there will be nothing unjust in doing in Egypt what our neighbours have accomplished already in Tunis. We have followed France step by step in her treatment of her piece of North Africa, and doubtless shall continue to do so. Why, then, should we object to France giving us another friendly lead ? France's only effective way of turning us out of Egypt would be a complete evacuation of Tanis. Were she to do that in reality and in good faith, we must leave the Nile Valley next day. The more she tightens her hold on Tunis, the less reason is there for us to leave Egypt. France knows this, and therefore her last step is in effect an acknowledgment that we shall remain at Cairo.

The Daily Chronicle of Wednesday announced with "great regret," a feeling in which fair-minded people of all views will share, that it had unimpeachable authority for stating that on Tuesday, the 14th inst., President Kruger was seen by "two leading physicians in consultation," and that they declared him to be suffering from "Bright's disease in a very advanced stage." One of them has further expressed the- opinion that the President's life can hardly be prolonged beyond another eighteen months. Such estimates are, of course, proverbially misleading. There may be a mistake in the diagnosis, or the disease may be arrested, or partially arrested ; or, again, the President's constitution may prove so strong as to prolong his life for two or three years instead of the term named. In any case, however, the news must be admitted to be serious. It will be remembered how rapid was the course of the late Czar's illness—also Bright's disease— after it had formally declared itself. Rulers cannot rest or cease from worrying, whereas rest is the only efficient cure or palliative for the disease. The Daily Chronicle adds that Mr. Kruger has determined to seek re-election. It will be curious to see whether the desire to gratify the President's last wish, or the need for a President with his vigour unimpaired by disease—i.e., pity or prudence—will prevail with the Boer electors. At a European election pity would probably win. In the newer and rougher community we expect that prudence will carry the day. In places like the Transvaal men face facts and are little moved by sentiment.

The Vienna correspondent of the Times gives in Tuesday's paper an account of an address sent to the Sultan by the Mahommedans of Kurrachee, the capital of Sinde. The address begins with a declaration of devotion :—" We, thy faithful servants, although apparently under the protection of and subject to the English Government, and although we seem to be in the enjoyment of the fullest tranquillity, con- sider it our duty to declare that we regard ourselves morally and actually under the benevolent protection of the Sovereign of all Mahommedans. Consequently, all that we possess, our whole fortunes real and personal, our houses and our estates, our bodies and our souls, are exclusively at the disposal of the great Mahommedan Government." The address goes on to say that the signatories, "after first unfurling the banner of the Crescent," assembled in the mosque "with the Consul Hussein Kiamck Effendi "—i.e., the Turkish Consul—to offer up a prayer for the Sultan's life. It ends with the following declaration :—" We swear that we thy servants, regarding ourselves as bound in allegiance to thee and thy Government, will not cease to work and pray for the triumph of your Majesty and the victory of Islam." In the body of the address a jubilant reference is made to the victory of the Turks over the Greeks. We commend the passage to our Delhi correspondent, whose letter will be found in another column. Had Europe or England prevented the war, and kept the Sultan in his place, we do not believe there would have been any outbreak of Pa.nislamic fanaticism. The Mal3ommedan does not act when things seem going against him, but only when he fancies fate has declared on his side. The Indian Mahommedans would have remained absolutely unmoved had the Greeks taken Salonica and Epirus.

The Daily Chronicle of Thursday prints some extracts from a private letter by Mr. Gladstone, dated Dunkeld, Septem- bes Risk 1897. Mr. Gladstone declares that "the pain, the shame, and the mischief of the last two years in Eastern policy transcend entirely the powers of any language" that he could use concerning them. The sum, be says, is this :— " (1) A hundred thousand Armenians slaughtered, with no security against repetition and with great profit to the assassins. (2) Turkey stronger than at any time since the Crimean War. (3) Greece weaker than at any time since she became a kingdom. (4) All this due to the European Con- cert,—i.e., the mutual distrust and hatred of the Powers." All this is absolutely true. We regret as much as Mr. Glad- stone that Lord Salisbury did not, or at any rate could not, insist upon the coercion of Turkey before the war with -Greece. If at the beginning of the Armenian massacres we had sent a squadron to Smyrna, and another to the Arabian parts, the Sultan would almost certainly have abandoned his policy of extermination. No doubt Lord Salisbury can plead that the true time for such action, if at all, was at the very beginning of the troubles, and before the Sultan had learned that he could always rely for support on the jealousies of the Concert. But Lord Rosebery, not he, was then in office. We admit the plea, but though the great opportunity had gone by when Lord Salisbury came into office, he might have done liore than he has done.

In Dublin on Wednesday Sir Edward Fry—one of the ablest Judges of the Court of Appeal, who retired some three or four years ago—opened, as president, the proceedings of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into the working of the Irish Land Acts. His explanatory observations as to the scope and methods of the Commission were not only most clear and businesslike, but showed a firm grasp of the essential problems before the Commission. They were not merely to report the facts found by them, but also their opinion of :lie facts, but at the same time they would endeavour to act iudicially. He appealed, therefore, for the maximum of light with the minimum of heat. The first proposal made to the Commission was one very characteristic both of the law in general, and of Ireland in particular. It was that the Com- mission should immediately adjourn for a month. This being overruled, Mr. Campbell opened the landlords' case by an attack on the capacity of the Sub-Commissioners. It is, of course, most unwise to express any opinion as to the future of an Irish inquiry ; but in spite of that golden rule, we cannot resist the feeling that Sir Edward Fry's strong sense of justice, and also strong good sense, will produce a beneficial result, and clear up much of the sophistical mist which obscures both sides of the land question. The refer- ence of the Commission is promising enough. Surely Sir Edward Fry can secure "specific performance."

The Standard of Tuesday prints a report from its special correspondent in regard to the allegation that the winter in Ireland will be a season of famine owing to the failure of the potato crop. We are glad to find that no support is given to the sensational prophecies of coming scarcity. Except potatoes, the crops are rather over than under the average. But save in the very poorest districts of the West, the potato is not now the only thing that stands between the peasant and starvation. If the potato failed altogether, as in 1847, it would no doubt be a serious loss, but it would not mean utter ruin. But though the potato crop is bad and scanty in many places, it has by no means failed utterly, and therefore the destitution that will result will only be partial and local. Whatever is necessary must of course be done; but the public must be warned against the attempts to " boom " the failure of the potatoes which are sure to be made by those who for various reasons wish to see a famine scare and its accompanying funds and subscriptions.

We are glad to notice that the Pall Mall Gazette continues to keep the establishment of a Royal residence in Ireland before the public, for if that happy result is to be achieved it can only be through steady external pressure. Irish officialdom will be dead against the proposal, and English officialdom indifferent. Unfortunately the advisability of having a Royal residence in Ireland is obvious to the dullest capacity, and the means for obtaining it are quite simple and easy. But in this country things which are obvious and easy are very seldom achieved. The British people are suspicious of any- thing about which there is not a marked difference of opinion. Abolish that symbol of separation, the Viceroy and his Court, and use the money saved to provide a worthy Royal resi-

dence and a good maintenance and entertaining allowance,— the thing sounds so simple that people fancy there must be something wrong. One great advantage of abolishing the Lord-Lieutenantey and setting up a Royal residence just now would be that it would clearly mark the close of the Home-rule epoch and the beginning of a new era in the relations between the two islands.

On Saturday last a Blur book was published dealing with that most tiresome and important subject, the Behring Sea Seal Fishery. The chief papers are a despatch from Lord Salisbury to Mr. Hay agreeing to a Conference of experts, which is to meet at Washington next month and endeavour "to arrive, if possible, at correct conclusions respecting the numbers, conditions, and habits of the seals frequenting the Pribyloff Islands at the present time as compared with the several seasons previous and subsequent to the Paris award." That Lord Salisbury should have agreed to this course before Mr. Sherman has withdrawn or apologised for his last despatch is a proof of how forbearing our Government have been, and how anxious they have shown themselves to take no advantage of the blunders of the other side. The other im- portant document in the Blue-book is an elaborate letter from the Colonial Office to the Foreign Office exposing the absurd character of the charges of bad faith made against our Govern- ment by Mr. Sherman in his astonishing despatch. The truth is our Government is at heart quite as anxious to prevent the extermination of the fur seals as is the American. We have, indeed, a larger interest in the matter than they have. What we do not propose to agree to is that our fellow-subjects should be forbidden to kill seals, and should be treated as pirates if they do so, in order that an American company may enjoy a monopoly. We need not be afraid that the Americans will go to war with us in order to help the Alaska Company to pay a bigger dividend. Trusts, Combines, and monopoly companies are not at this moment so popular in the States that the people will wage war to enrich one of them.

The King of Siam has always been understood to be a man of ability and intelligence, bat if a collection of his sayings recently quoted in the Westminster Gazette is authentic, he must be both witty and wise. On receiving a group repre- senting the Triumph of Bacchus, he is said to have remarked, "A very European subject." Again, on being told that Madame de Sevigne was one of the glories of France and peerless as a letter-writer, his courteous comment was, "Is she better than Lady Mary Wortley Montagu ? Her letters never wearied me as a boy, when I had to use them as English exercises." This Far-Eastern appreciation of "the charming Mary Montagu" will interest students of Dr. Johnson. It was he who remarked that Lady Mary Wortley Montagn's letters were the only book he had ever read twice. Though so little read now, they certainly deserve the King of Siam's praise. There is not a dull page in them. But perhaps the King's last good thing was the best of all. After seeing Don Giovanni at the Opera he declared, "Very fine ; but I prefer a play of Shakespeare read in an armchair by the fire." That is a sentiment worthy of Sir William Harcourt at a moment of political stress.

Dr. Bonavia, M.D., writing to the Times of Thursday, taking up a suggestion made by Sir James Blyth, makes a most in- teresting proposal for the revival of agriculture in the South of England. He declares that the southern slopes of the South Downs are particularly well suited for the cultivation of grapes for wine-making, and he declares that if the land- owners would only substitute vineyards for sheep farms, they might establish a great industry, and make land now almost worthless, worth 2500 or 5;1,000 an acre. Lord Bate has made a success of wine-making in Wales, though there the climatic conditions are not nearly so favourable as they would be in Sussex, where there is more sun and very much less rain. We do not doubt that wine could be grown in the country round and above Worthing in good years, but occasionally there would be a complete failure. This, however, might, we should imagine, be allowed for, and yet a profit left. The experiment should certainly be made, and with those grapes which the French havelleveloped specially for planting in the wetter and colder parts of Northern France.

Bank Rate, 2-", per cent.

New Consols (21) were on Friday, 1111.