SOME THOUGHTS ON THE SESSION.
FROM A POLITICAL. CORRESPONDENT.]
THE famous Carlton Club meeting brought an epoch in our political history to a close. With the fall of the hated Coalition the era of " War " politics, with• which the name of Mr. Lloyd George is most prominently associated, came to an end, and we entered upon the " post-War " period, as different from its predecessor as was the latter from the palmy pre-War era, over which Mr. Asquith presided with such dignified benignity. The first act of the new epoch opened with the Conserva- tive Party in power, and it was hailed with enthusiasm throughout the country chiefly owing to the profound relief engendered by the departure of the men who, whatever their respective merits or demerits, had in association come to be mistrusted and even detested by the mass of our people, and about whom " the smell of blood and antiseptics seemed still to cling." It closed amidst the din and turmoil of the General Election last December. A grim act, on the whole, overshadowed by the heavy menace of unemployment and the tragic death of Mr. Bonar Law.
Once more the curtain has fallen, and the first scene of the " Labour " Act in the great " post-War " political drama at Westminster has been played. This Easter recess induces certain reflections. The Labour Party continues in office. What of its record ? The present Government is often accused of having done nothing since it assumed control, and the answer is as often made that the reason for this is that it is a Government without power. No one knows better than the responsible leaders of the Labour Party that this is not the truth, and indeed the Prime Minister himself publicly disposed of this argument in his speech at York on Saturday. Before they assumed responsibility for the Government of this country, the Labour leaders were full of idle boasts and promises. They had the only remedy for unemployment. They would distribute houses and pensions wholesale. They would restore trade with Russia and peace and prosperity to Europe. It was these accursed Tory reactionaries who were holding everything up. But for them- we might well have homes worthy of heroes. And now, after three months of office ? Their record in the sphere of home politics is nothing short of pitiable. Where are the large schemes and the scientific principles ? Shattered by the first touch of reality.
Let us look, for a moment, at the achievements of certain individual members of the Government. Mr. Wheatley, a most energetic man, and the representative of the " Left Wing " in the Cabinet, rescinded one of Sir Alfred Mond's orders, and intoxicated by this daring initial effort, proceeded to land the Government in a hopeless mess with his impossible Rent Restrictions Bill. He seems, however, to have profited to some extent by his blunder. At any rate, the recess finds him grappling with the housing problem in a manner that is encouragingly realistic. The chief complaint, made by Lord Eustace Percy in the House on the day of the adjournment, is that his methods may not produce a sufficient number of houses during the next three years. Mr. Shaw, at the Ministry of Labour, is perhaps a little too prone to setting up Courts of Enquiry, but that is all. The heads of the three Defence departments have not found it possible to improve upon the Estimates of the late Government. As for the rest—they are merely humdrum. Even Mr. Snowden is not expected to introduce a startling Budget, which perhaps accounts for the asperity of his answers to questions in the House, and his general look of unmitigated gloom. For myself, I say quite frankly that I wish the Government had shown more enterprise. What is Mr. Sidney Webb doing ? He has a scientific mind, but he shows no signs of applying scientific principles to industry—one of the crying needs of to-day. The establishment of an " Economic General Staff " would be a mild move when compared with some of the industrial reforms promised by the Socialists so short a time ago. But nothing happens. And Sir William Beveridge is moved to write in the Nation : " Perhaps some day we shall get a Government less amiably desirous than the present one of being indistinguishable from its predecessors, and prepared in this or some other way to apply science to politics." Who could have foretold it ?
If the Labour Party must confess to a barren record in the sphere of domestic politics, one tremendous thing has been achieved in this second act of the post-War drama, which can only be productive of good, and that is that at long last the Labour chiefs have been made to realize the enormous difficulties with which the Government of this country is faced. Sobered by this new understanding, and fortified by a knowledge of facts which they have not possessed hitherto, their attitude with regard to our problems, industrial and otherwise, must be more reasonable in the future. And their capacity to assist this country to overcome its difficulties, rather than to hinder, must be proportionately increased, whether the future finds them in office or in opposition. For the bitter truth is that it is with remorseless economic facts, not Tories, that we have to do battle. With events over which we have too often little or no control ! You cannot blow up the tangible wealth of the world for four years and then.expect to pursue the rose-strewn path of prosperity and progress as if nothing had hap- pened. Now, these Labour leaders have learnt something of the truth, and for this we may thank God. In the nationalization of industry the panacea for all our evils is not to be found, for a derelict State industry is no better than a derelict private industry. All. the Socialist theories and schemes in the world, however well devised, will not bring relief to our suffering people. What this country wants first and last is prosperity. And prosperity can only be regained by two things : (1) The application of science to industry, and (2) the restoration of trade.
The present Government has done little or nothing to attain the first of these desiderata, and this we deplore. What of the second ? This brings us to a consideration of the foreign policy of the Government. In our opinion Mr. Ramsay MacDonald was unquestionably right in doubling the roles of Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary. He stands out a, head and shoulders above any other man in the Labour movement. With one or two regret- able but excusable lapses in the House of Commons, his record during the last three months has been, unlike ,those of his colleagues, one of almost consistent suocesss. As yet he has achieved nothing big in the sphere of foreign politics, but that is not his fault. In foreign affairs events move more slowly. At the moment tremendous achievements lie almost within his grasp. He realizes the appalling gravity of the issues. " There is no use shutting our eyes to the fact that, if our foreign policy fails, armaments will return. Then there would be a new grouping of Powers in which Russia and Germany would play- no inconsiderable role, and finally there would be a new world war," he writes in the New Leader. And ,there speaks the realist. Over Europe 'the clouds hang heavy, and the wind moans. Nationalist Germany faces nationalist France, both angry and uneasy, the one from a feeling of almost intolerable humiliation, the other from a feeling of equally intolerable insecurity. A new spirit awakens both in Russia and in Italy. In the Far East,there is tension. One wonders where it will all lead to, and prays for the success of the Prime Minister in his effort—perhaps the final effort—to bring peace to a tortured world. In this effort he enjoys the whole- hearted support of his own party—even of the Clyde men. After all, they put him where he is, and although they regard some of his colleagues with suspicion or contempt, they still trust him. And men like Messrs. Wheatley, Shinwell, Maxton and Weir are far too in- telligent not to realize that the restoration of peace and confidence amongst the nations of the world is the one thing that will bring permanent relief to the poor of Glasgow or anywhere else. From the Liberal Party he receives no assistance whatsoever. Indeed, the real hatred between the Liberal and Labour Parties is one of the most remarkable things about the present Parlia- ment. Mr. Lloyd George loses no opportunity of making vindictive attacks upon the Government, especially in matters of foreign policy. More than once he has seriously endangered our relations with France. For this Mr. MacDonald will never forgive .him. But the Liberal Party is cutting its own throat, and is gradually ceasing to be an important factor in our political life.
In concluding this review of the situation, I should like to pay a tribute. Mr. Baldwin keeps the large issues steadfastly before him. He is one of the few politicians who are able to establish a real sympathy with the workers of this country. He attacks the Government only when a .vital difference of opinion presents itself. As regards foreign,policy, he has extended both,sympathy and support to the Prime Minister, and for this he has received the obvious gratitude of the latter. Press attacks and momentary -signs of restlessness on his own back-benches 'leave him undisturbed. He continues to pursue his course. 'For, after all, was it not Mr. Baldwin who set up the expert inquiries into the reparations question'? 'Some day he will receive the thanks of his countrymen. For it may well be-that. the historian will write that during .these =Weal weeks, fraught with peril and charged with the destiny not only of this. country but of the whole civilized world, he played a great part.
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