The Liberal Tide
By RICHARD H. ROVERE New York
rTIHE President's budget is the big subject of controversy here. Everybody, including the President, professes to be shocked by the size of it—$71,800,000,000. But then our budgets have been shocking for quite some time, and it is hardly more likely now than in the past that anything will be done about it. The normal. pattern calls for huge and well-publicised cuts to be made by the appropriate Congressional com- mittees and for gradual restoration of these cuts on the floor of Congress or, later in the year, when the time comes for what are called 'deficiency appropriations.' (The deficiency appro- priation is a handy device that enables Congress- men to endear themselves to taxpayers by slash-, ing government funds in the spring of the year, when everyone is concerned with money prob- lems, and then repairing the damage—or damag- ing the repairs, if one sees it that way—later in the year, when nobody much is concerned.) As a general rule, the administration ends up getting just about what it asked for in the first place. In fact, in three of the last four years the administration has, when the final accounts were cast up, come out about a half-million ahead of the amount it originally sought.
There is no reason to think the pattern will be greatly varied this year. Nevertheless, there is today quite a formidable revolt against the Presi- dent's leadership, and it is taking the form of an assault on the budget. Ten days ago, a Republi- can quite closely associated with the White House, Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona, said that Mr. Eisenhower's programme this year consti- tutes 'a betrayal of the people's trust.' He de- nounced the administration for a half-hour on the Senate floor, and no one rose to defend the ' President. Since then, there have been numerous other attacks. They have all dealt in one way or another with the budget, but in effect they are attacks on the President's power in the Republi- can Party. They are occasioned in part by the fact that Mr. Eisenhower's Liberal associates have been showing an unaccustomed boldness in recent months and in part by the fact that the obvious laws of power are now working against the President. He has run his last race and no one will be able to bet on him or with him again, thanks to the workings of our Constitution, which, as amended six years ago, make it impossible for a President to hold office for more than two full terms. Thus, the fight is on for control of the party, and the present phase of it will not end until a candidate for President is chosen in 1960.
The fight will of necessity be carried to the Left wing by the Right wing, for it is the Left wing that has power now and an excellent pros- pect for holding it. The symbols of its ascendancy can be seen everywhere. The large budget is one, and the budget itself bursts with symbols—federal aid to education, increased welfare appropria- tions and so forth. The restyling of Richard Nixon as a Liberal statesman is a very large omen. Practically every appointment the President has - lately made is of a Liberal. (An exception is that of Scott McLeod as his representative in Dublin, but the suspicion will not down that this was undertaken in order to get the man out of Washington.) It may be that a vigorous and con- certed attack by the Right, which seems to be in the making, will stem the Liberal tide, but the odds are against it. At any rate, that is the mean- ing of the budget fight. The budget itself is not much at issue.
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