26 DECEMBER 1846, Page 15

SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.

HISTORY,

History of Europe, from the Commencement of the French Revolution, in 1789, to the Restoration of the Bourbons, in 1819. By Archibald Alison, F.R.S.E., Advocate.

Volume the First. Seventh edition Blackwoods •

POETRY,

Ballads and other Poems. By Mary Howitt Longman and Co. Aunt Carry's Ballads for Children. By the Honourable Mrs. Norton. With Illus-

trations by 'John Absolon.

PROSE FICTION,

The Battle of Life; a Love Story. By Charles Dickens Bradbury and Evans.

SOCIAL ECONOMY,

The Principles and Practice of Life Assurance. By John &amok Junior.

Hamilton and Co.; Middleton, Av. Dundee.

ALISON'S HISTORY OP EUROPE.

Trim republication in periodical volumes, of a handsome form and at a cheap rate, which has succeeded so well in poetry and fiction, seems ex- tending to works of a graver kind. After standing the test of time and criticism in continuous publication, volume by volume, both in England and America, and reaching a sale equivalent to six editions, the seventh edition of Alison's History of Europe is now to appear in a more com- pact form at a lower price, and in a closer and we think a handsomer style both as regards type and paper. The first volume of this issue is now before us • and so long a time has elapsed since its first appearance, that it has the effect of a new work, and may claim a fuller attention than a mere reprint.

Apart from its typographical characteristics, there is no entirely novel feature in this volume, or, we believe, in the work. The text has been subjected to a close revision ; possibly alterations may have been made, if newer information has turned up, or experience has modified any views ; and notes appear to be occasionally added, but they are not of a nature to call for remark. The preface (which appeared in a former edition) gives an interesting and critical account of the authorities ; though somewhat injured by the author's besetting defect of fall-blown rhetoric, characterizing all merit in terms of equal empressement, and consequently bringing each to nearly the same level.

The volume itself is introductory ; for we only get down to the author's professed chronological starting-point—the meeting of the States-General in 1789; and though we see their elections, the meeting itself will not take place till the next volume. Nearly the entire book is occupied with an inquiry into the causes of the French Revolution; which, in the manner Mr. Alison treats it, involves an exposition of his ideas of the philosophy of the history of Europe. The social condition of the ancient world, of government, and the growth of modern society, as well as a review and the causes of the -decay of its governments—the invasion and set- tlement of the barbarians, with an examination of the feudal system which they eventually produced—the operation of that system's decay, and of the rise of eaunicipalities—with the effects of Christianity and of printing upon Europe—are all considered in respect to their influence upon modem society. Mr. Alison next approaches his subject more closely. He institutes a comparison between the Great Rebellion in Eng- land and the Revolution in France ; and, pointing out their evident dif- ferences, seeks for a resolution in a survey of the history of the respec- tive countries, beginning with the downfall of the Roman power, the Anglo-Saxon invasion of England, and the conquest of Gaul by the Franks. In this survey the reign of Louis the Fourteenth is particularly dwelt upon ; and the cause of the French Revolution, on that occasion, (for Mr. Alison is by no means consistent in his views,) ascribed to the revocation of the edict of Nantes. With the accession of Louis the Fif- teenth French history is more fully treated ; the last two reigns of the old Bourbons being elaborately considered as regards the state of litera- ture and public opinion, the condition of the finances, the existing con- stitution in its various branches as they rise up under observation and such public events as directly operated to produce the final catastrophe.

It will be seen from this resume, that critical disquisition is the main feature of this volume. Events may be alluded to, institutions are de- scribed, characters are delineated, and very often at a length which ap- proaches biography ; but there is little of narrative till towards the close of the volume. In the course of his long examination of the history of the modern world, Mr. Alison rather aims at deducing the results which the large groups of events contain, than at describing those groups.

In this vast survey, many errors might be pointed out, and more holes might be picked, by critics whose eyes are the "microscopes of wit" Some of these faults are to be ascribed to the character of the author's mind, in which the rhetorical qualities predominate over the logical : the striking, therefore, has more attraction for him than the true; and he is perhaps really more intent (though he would not own it) upon turn- ing a rotund period than discovering the truth of the opinion which that period is to convey. Other errors are to be ascribed to Mr. Alison's peculiar views ; for he is less a Tory or Conservative than an Alisonian. His opinions are too large and comprehensive for a mere Tory ; and though he admits, with Conservatives, the necessity of progress, he urges the greater necessity of controlling that bugbear of his fears Democm- tical ambition, and founds more upon sin and the depravity of the heart than is generally the case with members of that party out of the Church; he also falls into the ranks of the Currency-doctors on the subject of money, and now, we believe, stands quite alone in his admiration of that great financial juggle Pitt's sinking-fund. The cause of a third fault we pointed out more than thirteen years ago, when the History first appeared. "Mr. Alison is not master of the works be has resorted to, though he has made abundant use of them; sometimes his borrowed views, and such as he is more familiar with, are not a little inconsistent." He has also in the earlier period had recourse to second-hand information ; which, how- ever high the authors may rank, never can compete with original authorities, especially where a writer professes to expound original views. Hence, the informed and logical reader of Mr. Alison will constantly meet with posi-

tions which he will feel inclined to dispute ; and will note numerous in- consistencies, not only incongruous as matters of opinion, but almost contradictory as regards the author's judgment of the same thing. At different times, all kinds of causes are assigned as the cause of the French Revolution.

These defects, and a rhetorical diffuseness of style, prevent the work from taking a front place among histories, as it will inevitably be super- seded for posterity, should a more philosophic genius and a severer painter hereafter handle the subjects. TM that time come, Alison's His. tory of Europe will defy objections, on account of popular merits which far overbalance its critical defects. Whatever be the minor faults of ar- rangement, the leading outlines of the arrangement are perfectly clear; the reader has no difficulty in comprehending the scope of the whole, or in following the parts. The energy of the writer is untiring : vast and extensive as are the masses of the materials, they are animated by a vivacious spirit ; the reader's taste may be sometimes offended, his logic at fault, but his patience is rarely tasked—be may blame, but does not sleep. Then, although the magnitude of the French Revolution is some- what exaggerated,—events as striking in themselves, and as influential in their consequences, having marred, at least in ancient history,—it comes home more closely to our business and bosoms ; for, independently of conformity of manners and contemporary interest, numbers are yet living who can remember its rise and progress, and whose knowledge realizes descriptions with a force which no meditation can ever reach. The subject is one whose present interest seems inexhaustible. Numerous as are the original memoirs and the compiled accounts, the public maw, like the "ample shield" of Dryden, "can take in all and verge enough for more." The fulness of these materials gives great advantage to an author like Mr. Alison, whose genius inclines to amplification, and enables him to paint at large the very singular subordinate persons and incidents connected with this great event. Then, Mr. Alison is honest and impartial. The nature of a man's grains, the bias of those opinions that are formed by the constitution of our minds and the habit of our studies, will ever operate ; but (abstracting his finance) Mr. Alison is not a slave either to a name or a party. He subjects without scruple the loftiest to historical criticism, and never echoes an opinion merely because he is familiar with the original sound. We hardly know any contemporary writer who displays a more independent judgment, or shows a more decided will of his own, however wrong or contradictory he may often be.

These qualities give to the first volume a considerable value as an historical disquisition, apart from its introduction to a history of Europe during the period of the French Revolution. In this last point of view, indeed, it is open to criticism, as wandering from the main subject, and travelling, like Milesian story, too far back. As a mere resume of modern history, it is worth perusal, for its wide range, vast information, and its general views, which, though sometimes erroneous, are often trite, and always strikingly enforced. We will quote an example or two, which will also indicate the subjects of investigation and the manner in which they are treated.

NEW RICHES.

A very simple cause may be assigned for this early corruption and rapid de generacy of rode conquerors who have settled in the abodes of ancient opulence. They attain wealth before they have learned how to use it. Luxury breaks in upon them while yet accessible only to the gratifications of sense. Experience has now abundantly proved, that to learn the art of using wealth without abusing it, requires at least as long an apprenticeship in nations, as that of enjoying freedom without running into licentiousness, and that the rapid acquisition of either never fails to prove fatal to the people who obtain it. It is the sudden exposure to irre- sistible temptation which in both cases is the cause of ruin. The same thing may every day be observed in private life. The common sayings, that no man was ever enriched in the end by obtaining a twenty-thousand pounds prize in the lottery—that the sons of rich parvenus are much more inclined to extravagance than those of the old families—and that it requires three generations to make a gentleman—prove how generally mankind have observed the operation of this principle on the fortunes of individuals or particular families. When an Iroquois sits down beside a cask of spirits, he often inserts a straw into a hole which helms bored in the wood, and sucks up the intoxicating draught till he drops down dead on the spot; but a gentleman who has the command of a cellar amply stored with champagne, is in no danger of perishing by a similar indulgence. The reason is, that he has acquired other tastes, and is familiar with other enjoyments which are inconsistent with or prove a counterpoise to the first seductions of sense. But these more refined tastes and inclinations are of very slow growth: they spring up only in the later stages of society. Many generations must descend to their graves before they spread generally, either in nations or in any of the classes of which they are composed. This is the true cause of the excessive proneness to the use of ardent spirits which is invariably observed to accompany high wages, arising from manufacturing prosperity in Northern climates, or half-civilized states, and which has hitherto defied all the efforts of coercion and philanthropy for, its restraint; while the higher classes in the same countries and professions have at lmgth, though only-by very slow degrees, extricated themselves from its influence. It LE the same with rude tribes settling, with their barbaric tastes, in the regions of ancient opulence. Sensual gratifications instantly become the object of universal pursuit. The wine-press and the harem present attractions to which no one, how illiterate soever, is insensible; and the race of Northern conquerors melts away as rapidly amidst the wines and women of the South, as the Iroquois perishes beside the spirit-cask, or the Scotch or Swedish manufacturer amidst the riot of the spirit-cellar.

USE OF PRIVATE WARS.

The private wars of the nobles with each other was the first circumstance which renewed the courage and revived the energy of the feudal barons. The in- considerate historians of modern times have stigmatized these domestic contests as things of unmixed evil, merely because they produced extensive bloodshed and suffering; but the more reflecting observer, who has traced the workings of cor- ruption, whether on the individual or the national heart, will arrive at a different conclusion. He will recollect the necessity of suffering to individual reformation; he will reflect on the virtues which spring out of disaster. Regarding this world as not a scene of enjoyment so much as a school of improvement, he will not lightly estimate those circumstances, apparently ruinous, which extricate the hu- man mind from the meshes of sensual gratification, which draw forth the manly virtues by the force of suffering, and elevate the character even when they em- bitter the life. It is to this cause, joined to the fortification of the castles, and the constant use of arms by the retainers of the landowners, that the restoration of the military courage of France is to be ascribed. The Spanish barons were trained to courage in the stern school of necessity, and regained in the mountains of Galicia the valour which their conquerors were losing amidst the luxuries of Cordova. The English military spirit, which had decayed from the same causes, was restored by the private wars of the nobles during the reign of Stephen: and, through all the havoc and ruin of the country, that courage was elicited which

was destined to lay the foundations of British liberty in a happier age.