26 NOVEMBER 1853, Page 12

THE THREE QUEENS.

IF there is any use in historical parallels, it is to show, by the method of differences, the influence which an individual character has upon the events of a country, or vice versa. The conclusion to be drawn from a parallel between the reigning Queens of Eu- rope, one of whom has just departed this life, is of a negative kind. The parallel between the career of Donna Maria da Gloria, Queen of Portugal, and Donna Isabella the Second, Queen of Spain, is close in the superficial traits. Both were called to the crown early ; both have reigned over disordered kingdoms, have seen their thrones invaded by revolution, without falling, and have exhibited personal character rather in the indulgence of indi- vidual objects than in any striking exercise of political power. The differences here are too small to teach much by the parallel. It may be said for Queen Maria, that she was less un- fortunate than her neighbour has been, and that history will record her life with a less regretful pen.

The parallel or contrast between the Portuguese Queen and the British is far more striking ; and the comparison is happy for our own country. There is scarcely a stage in the history of the Por- tuguese Queen that does not present matter of surprise, and of re- gret that common sense should have been so grossly violated in sacrifice to supposed political necessities. Called to the crown by the abdication of her father at seven years of age, she was thrust in her tender infancy amid the vicissitudes of state. Betrothed, while yet a child, to her uncle, she escaped from that unnatural alliance by his turning traitor, and repudiating his bride and his

i Sovereign in the same person. When she had only completed fifteen years, she was declared, by Parliamentary statute, to be of full age, and was thus launched, a young gal, amid the repeated revolutions of Portugal and the intrigues of its court. De- prived of one husband, a Beauharnais, by an early death, she married, like our own Queen, into the Coburg family—into that branch which, retaining its Catholic faith, can still furnish con- sorts for the non-Protestant part of Europe. But how different her position at the last from that of our Victoria! her last Minister forced up:Ciller by an armed revolution ; her husband constantly reproached for mingling in political affairs. She has closed a com- paratively long reign of twenty years at the early age of thirty- four ; and ere yet she is buried her subjects are deriving hope front the change.

The career of our own Sovereign, except in regard to her youth- ful accession, presents the opposite of the one which we have rapidly touched. Educated under her mother, by well-seleeted teachers, the Princess Victoria remained in comparative privacy until her accession to the throne, when she had already attained the legal age of the English Sovereign. No political necessity forced the young Queen into any unnatural alliance : the husband was neither her uncle nor has he been a traitor. Her court is not above human failings, and the palace itself is not sacred against the intrusion of petty motives ; but it is the universal, boast, that no family in the land can present a model of greater regularity and decorum than that which lives in the light of publicity. It is of course impossible that the family of the actual Sovereign can stand wholly apart from political interest, and scandal has not been wanting in whispers that an important member of that family has exerted his natural influence in favour of particular foreign al- liances. But the fact is, that in all tangible acts, in every pro. ceeding of which we have the slightest evidence, Prince Albert has shown a remarkable tact in avoiding what was not his province. He has rendered himself useful to promote public objects dear to the English people, which are without any trace of what we call political purpose ; but he has avoided any species of entanglement with political arrangements properly so called. Whether it is simply the discretion of the Prince, the judgment of the Queen, or the fortunate necessities which surround the English court, such is the fact. When a revolution takesplaoe, our soldiery are not aninstru- ment for which the struggling factions compete ; nor have we a King Consort who is observed to be active on the one side or the other. The "Ministerial crises" which shake our country—in the news- papers—are the quiet substitution of one set of gentlemen, in- trusted by the Queen, for another set of gentlemen, about equally intrusted. Bu; whatever it is, that change is effected by the na- tural course of events in Parliament ; it is not arranged either in the royal closet or in the streets. It is to be hoped that amongst the striking contrasts the date at which the reign may be closed will be reckoned; but whatever that date may be, the his- torian will look back to Queen Victoria's reign for some of the best acts of English statesmanship, spontaneously rendered out of the honest ambition to 'do well, and especially for the honest sagacity with which the Sovereign, confining herself to a legitimate pro- vince, while yet rendering her family influence useful to the country, restored the Monarchy to the affections and trust of her people.

Political writers are already speculating, that the prince who succeeds to that novelty in Portugal, an undisputed throne, may avoid the intrigues and vicissitudes which have so painfully dis- turbed the career of his mother : his tenure invites no attack, and his character is favourably indicated. There is, however, some un- fairness in casting this responsibility upon an individual character in the conduct of any state. It is true that the young King has the responsibilities of a throne thrust upon him de facto, and it will be fortunate if his personal disposition should be fitted for the demand; but by what rule of reason or politics can we expect that he should possess the master mind which can conquer difficulties and dictate the destiny of a country ? An hereditary crown does not always convey more than hereditary faculties, even if it se- cures so much.

If we grant the utmost merit to the sagacity and discretion of our own Queen as exhibited throughout a career now extending to some space, how much of the favourable result must we not as- cribe to the happy circumstances by which she is surrounded ; to the regularity of the system in which she forms so conspicuous a part, and to the general probity which in England replaces the general want of it in Portugal? It would evidently be unjust to place Queen Victoria in a state of circumstances exactly the op- posite and expect that the results should be the same. But if, unluckily, she bad possessed inferior powers, and a less upright discrimination of feeling, how much more disastrous must the re- sult prove ! And yet it is not possible to expect even of royal personages that their faculties and heart should be above the aver- age. If the young prince who succeeds to the throne of Portugal is to form a striking improvement upon the feeble qualities that have recently characterized his line, it will certainly be happy for himself; since a natural justice would correct the temptations and perplexities of a disordered court. And it might be happy for his country should he possess the peculiar quality which enables a prince to select the best assistants by whom he can be surrounded. Such lucky accidents might effect a blessed change in the history of Portugal. But how from the youthful indications of natural character can we calculate on such results beforehand? It is im- possible. When the impartial historian is summing up the ierits of Queen Maria, he will have to qualify his censure by •writing that she was a Queen not of England but of Portugal