27 JANUARY 1912, Page 20

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

GERMANY AND THE AFRICAN COLONIES OF PORTUGAL.

WE have no doubt whatever that it would be greatly to the benefit of the world if Germany could acquire the African colonies of Portugal, or, to put it more correctly, that portion of those colonies over which we do not possess a right of pre-emption—a right which belongs to us in the matter of Delagoa Bay. Not only would it be a great benefit to humanity that German rule, which, if sometimes harsh, is at any rate efficient and gives no sanction or encouragement to slavery, should be substituted for Portuguese rule ; in addition Germany would be given the opportunity for expansion which she desires and on the grandest scale. Her African Empire would then only require a portion of the Congo Free State to make it stretch across the African continent from sea to sea. Even assuming, as we no doubt ought to assume, that we included in our purchase from Portugal all the territory up to Beira, or even up to the kit bank of the Zambesi, the German Empire would be vast enough and rich enough to satisfy any ambitions. On the west side, from the mouth of the Orange River in the south to Lake Chad in the north, German territory would run unbroken save for the French Congo, while on the east Germany would possess the very pick of the coast, and inland some of the richest of African posses- sions. But while such a consummation would be highlydesirable from a German point of view, there is no reason whatever why it should be injurious to us. We have no cause to forbid the banns, either in the present or the future, provided that we were satisfied as to a way- leave for a railway north and south—a way-leave which Germany could have no objection to grant. Germany could easily make the much more practical and useful railway west and east. Germany would get what she wantea—her opportunity to establish a great Colonial Empire, while we and our traders would undoubtedly benefit by so large a portion of Africa being developed by means of German capital and German enterpriee. You cannot build a town, drain a swamp, make a railway or a road, and so increase trade and commerce in any portion of the globe without the British trader and British people benefiting indirectly. Tariffs and regulations may conceal, but they cannot alter, the fact that whatever increases the productivity of the world is a world-wide benefit. But though the prospect is so attractive, we fear that the Saturday Review is hardly justified in writing of the event, as it did in its issue of last Saturday, as if it were within reasonably easy reach of consummation. Though we feel convinced that the British Government would not only throw no obstacles in the way, but would on general principles be glad to see Germany substituted for Portugal on the conditions which we have outlined, it unfortu- nately does not lie with us, as some German newspapers seem to imagine, to bring the matter to fruition. All depends upon whether Germany eau. obtain the assent of Portugal to a cession by purchase. If she can, well and good. If, however, she cannot, it must be clearly under- stood that we cannot assent to the deprivation of Portugal of her African colonies by force of arms. We are allied to Portugal. It is perhaps unfortunate that we should be so allied, but we cannot cancel our engagement merely because it would be convenient to do so --unless, of course, Portugal by her action forfeits her claim upon us. What, then, is required is that Germany should negotiate a treaty of cession with Portugal, subject to our satisfaction, in the matter of Delagoa, Bay and possibly, as we have said, the stretch of coast territory further north. If she can do this the scheme will, we are convinced, have no mere grudging acquiescence from us, but a most willing endorsement.

Perhaps we shall be asked whether we are not going too far in suggesting that Portugal ought to be allowed to forbid an arrangement so beneficial to the world at largo. Have the Portuguese, considering the manner in which their colonies are administered and their treatment of the natives in those colonies, the right to claim our assist- ance? The question is difficult, but it is obvious that it would be impossible for us to adopt a policy which, as we have said, would involve the repudia- tion of treaty engagements. No doubt conditions of mis- government might arise in the Portuguese colonies of Africa which would amount to a forfeiture of Portugal's claim to continuo in possession. But bad as has been the action of Portugal in the matter of the toleration of slave-raiding and kidnapping in Angola, and marked as has been her administrative decadence in her Eastern possessions—witness the murder of an English missionary only the other day by a Portuguese official—it can hardly be said that things are as yet bad enough to justify the virtual outlawry of Portugal. But it may be urged : "Surely the Portuguese, considering the condition of their Government and its well-known pecuniary embar- rassments, would not be likely to refuse a generous offer of purchase from Germany and from GreatBritain. If between them, say, some twenty millions or so were offered to Portugal, she could hardly refuse what would amount to a far greater net annual revenue than she has hitherto received from Africa." Unfortunately, however, there. is one very great obstacle to this suggestion. Portugal may be very poor, but she is also very proud, and in all probability her statesmen, even if they were converted to thinking that she would benefit by the transfer suggested would not dare to make the proposal to her people. It used to be said that if the Monarchy made any cession of territory to a foreign Power the Monarchy would fall. Now we are told that a cession by the Republic would almost certainly produce a return of the Royal Family, so disgusted would be the people. Possibly these predictions are exaggerated, and the unpopularity produced by a cession of territory would be neutralized by the possession of large funds by the Government of the day ; but at any rate—and this is an important matter—there seems little doubt that they are believed by the Portuguese statesmen. Can, then, nothing be done, and must the Gernialas, if they make the proposals we have suggested, be content with a non possums? In our opinion, though we cannot put any unfair pressure upon Portugal or threaten to desert her if she does not fall in with the suggestions of Germany, we hold that we might very well advise her that it would be in her true interests to accept generous terms from Germany in regard to Angola and the greater part of Mozambique, and from ourselves in regard to liDelagoa Bay and Beira. We might, with due regard to our ancient tradition of friendship, point out to Portugal that she may never be in so good a position again for effecting the transfer of her colonies. It is clear that if the degeneration of Portuguese administration, of which we have spoken, and the toleration of the slave trade con- tinue, or if, again, these evils, as is very possible, result in native risings on a large scale, it would be quite impossible for us to support Portugal in a deter- mination to hold. her colonies at all costs. Portugal may demand another chance—an opportunity, that is, to display her alleged powers of recuperation and to set her African house thoroughly in order. Suppose, however, that she fails to do so after a reasonable trial. In that case the loss of the colonies must follow without that generous compensation which would undoubtedly do much to restore prosperity at home. To put the matter in another way. The world cannot tolerate for very much longer the con- ditions under which Portugal administers her African possessions. But what chance is there that a Government so distracted and so unstable as that which now governs from Lisbon will be able to inaugurate an era of improve- ment? Improvement of the kind we are speaking of imperatively demands not only administrative skill but money on a large scale, and we see no prospect of Portugal being able to supply the necessary funds. Surely if these considerations are properly brought before the Portuguese Government, and so the Portuguese people, they ought not to be without effect.

The Saturday Review, in dealing with the matter, men- tions the Azores and the Cape Verde Islands, and suggests that dermany should have the Azores while we purchased the Cape Verde Archipelago. The plan is a reasonable one per se, but it must be pointed out that, bad and, as we think, nnimprovable as is the administration which obtains in Africa, it cannot he said that the islands are in like case. They are inhabited by a European or mainly European population, and could hardly be trans- ferred against their will, and there is no great scandal connected with their government. But though we see these difficulties in regard to the islands, we should like to point out that for ourselves we have no objection whatever to Germany obtaining coaling stations or naval bases. So long as we keep command of the sea—and we mean to keep it—the possession by Germany of such places will not injure us. The command of the sea is won and held by fleets, not by naval bases or even coaling stations. The posses- sion of ports in East Africa and West Africa, in Damaraland and in the Cameroons, has not in the least aided Germany's attempt to seize the trident, nor would the possession of the Azores.