Freedom, Peace and Conscience Peter Benenson
Macmillan Expects Graham Greene, Sir Stephen King-Hall Where's Mr. Donnelly?
Desmorul Donnelly, MP, R. Robin, J. A. G. Miller The Lawrence Myth A. V. Chambers, Captain R. Gordon Canning Playing it Dirty Charles Adeane, J. E. Marlyn, Robert .5pringall Algerian Refugees Stanley Awberry, MP, and Donald Wade, hIP FREEDOM, PEACE AND CONSCIENCE
SIR,—What effect the CND speeches and the Com- mittee of 100's attempted sit-down in Red Square have had on Mr. Khrushchev's policy is hard to assess. He evidently thought it worth while to take two full pages of advertising in the Guardian, the paper which 'unilateralists' read more than any other. It is probably true to say that he has been embarrassed by some of the franker criticisms of Soviet nuclear policy, and would like to redirect the fire of attack on the VS. But will any demonstration by the 'unilateralist' movement in Moscow or any- where else ever halt the tempo of Soviet rearma- ment?
The technique of 'protest' has been universally unsuccessful in causing governments to abandon their plans for nuclear defence. This is not a reason for dismissing the tactics of unilateralists as useless or dangerous. It is healthy in any community that heterodox views should be expressed vigorously; although they may have no practical effect in their own time, they may guide rising generations. But it is a sound reason for those who are genuinely concerned by both the rising economic burden and the sharpening risk of conflict to ask whether the cause of world disarmament cannot be more- effectively fostered by other means.
At a recent international gathering of journalists convened by the Quakers an appeal was made to that profession to avoid using their skill in such a way as would increase the danger of war. How each journalist exercised the restraint which the appeal enjoined was left to him—and to his conscience. The problem facing the journalists is one that strikes many scientists and engineers in more acute form. To what extent, they ask themselves, is it right that they should devote the learning of peace to the cause of war? Even in Western nations, where there is little or no direction of labour, a physicist may find it difficult to cut himself off completely from work which has a military potential. In those countries where the State is the universal employer of scientists scruples of conscience can lead to a direct conflict with the authorities.
Those who do not hold the 'unilateralist' point of view often point out that no minority in a demo- cracy has a right to impose its views on a majority. It must seek to convert the majority by argument. If the unilateralists have not made greater strides in conversion during the last two years, it may be because of their perhaps unconscious habit of doubt- ing the genuine moral concern of those who disagree with their approach. Those who claim the privileges of conscience for themselves should take special care not to cast scorn at the conscience of others.
If a minority has no right to condemn the con- science of the majority, the antithesis is that the majority has no right to coerce the conscience of a minority. The principle of conscientious objection has been firmly established in Britain so far as the armed forces are concerned. The extension of the field of battle from two sets of opposing trenches to the entire world, and all its population, including women and children, has radically altered the inci- dence of conscientious objection. Very often now it is no longer a question of refusing to wear uniform or carry a rifle; the objection is directed solely to a certain aspect of civilian employment, for instance, on the part of a salaried quantity surveyor who declines to cost the erection of a factory designed to produce missiles.
It has become so fashionable to cast obloquy on the morality of French policies that it has escaped many that the French have faced up to the reality of this contemporary problem of morals. There has been a steadily increasing number of Frenchmen who have declined to lend their skills to policies of which they conscientiously disapprove, especially those who have refused to be conscripted. Until M. Louis Lecoin's recent twelve-day hunger strike there were 130 men in prison for refusing to bear arms. General de Gaulle's decision to release twenty-eight of these men immediately, and to intro- duce legislation to provide for alternative forms of peaceful service, shows that he is more bold and imaginative than those who delight in criticising his stubbornness credit. The 'Amnesty' movement which concerns itself with all those who are im- prisoned for expressing unpopular views has just sent de Gaulle a letter pointing out the significance of his initiative. For, under his leadership, France becomes the first Roman Catholic country to recog- nise the principle of conscientious objection. It is greatly to be hoped that the other Catholic Com- mon Market countries, Belgium, Luxembourg and Italy, will rapidly follow suit by abolishing their practice of imprisoning COs. Significantly, Holland and Western Germany, honouring the Protestant tradition of dissent, share Britain's concern for conscience.
But the recognition of conscientious objection from military service is only the first stage. The next ten years are going to see an ever-increasing amount of what might be called 'conscientious dissociation'—professional men and women declin- ing to perform certain functions. If the cause of disarmament is to be furthered it is imperative that the Western democracies should evolve a system which guarantees the right of 'conscientious disso- ciation.' For, unless we can show that this right can be included within the economy and policy of a modem State, we cannot expect those who hold similar view's to risk their freedom—and perhaps their lives—by 'dissociating' in totalitarian countries. In the final analysis, the factor which will prevent the great explosion is the finger which refuses to press the button. The causes of world peace and personal freedom arc inextricably linked. PETER urm-.NsoN
London, EC4
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