27 JULY 1962, Page 3

ONE NATION

THE factitious storm is blowing itself out. The crocodile and sentimental (and genuine) tears for the deposed are evaporating. With his motion of no confidence it was Mr. Gaitskell's turn to be too clever by half—or too silly by three-quarters. He has obligingly closed the parliamentary Tory ranks behind the Prime Minister. What now?

Mr. Macmillan emerges from the storm at the head of an administration which is immensely strong. (No doubt it would have been desirable if Mr. Selwyn Lloyd could have taken some other seat in the cabinet, but why whistle for the moon?) The Prime Minister is firmly in control, however shaken he must have been both by his own ruthlessness and the immediate reaction to it. It is true that many of his own older supporters at Westminster look askance at him. It is true that up and down the country the sentimentalists and romanticists of the Tory Party — aided by the injudicious observations of Mr. Macmillan's pre- decessor, on ,whose shoulders the mantle of elder statesman sits none too straight—are still digest- ing the import of those resounding events of a fortnight ago. The party in places is, for the moment, dyspeptic, as we 'could see from some reactions to Mr. lain Macleod's reasonable re- quest that it clean the cobwebs off its local organisations. (But the pollsters show a more en- couraging reaction among Tory supporters at large.) It may well be that for a few weeks more, and maybe for longer, Mr. Macmillan's personal stock will be on the low side. But there is no doubt that the younger generation of Tories is solidly behind him.

Domestic issues have come inexorably to the fore and the new Government will be judged in the first place by the energy with which it tackles the problem of taking up industrial slack while keeping the wage-cost inflation in check. There will be further news of some implementation of the Industrial Charter, and an agreement on re- dundancy compensation is likely. In our capacity as consumers we shall be helped to protect our- selves. In the fields of education, housing, health and transport we can expect, if not startling de- velopments, at the very least an indication that the men in charge mean business. If a ministry of all the talents such as now exists could not at least project an impression of seriousness and vigour, then it would deserve the punishment it would surely receive—from the electorate this time, not its first minister.

The Government must lead and it must do so demonstrably. Mr. Macmillan must assert him- self openly. This is in the country's interests as well as those of the Government and the Con- servative Party. For the United Kingdom is approaching a period of the very greatest con- sequence. Not that the country shows much awareness of it at the moment. At none of the recent by-elections has the European issue counted for much. The pollsters, it is true, have found the public cool towards the idea of Britain's entry into the Common Market; but little weight need be placed on such desultory judgments of issues which have never taken concrete form. The informative efforts of journalists have so far counted for little; but it may also be doubted whether the wrecking antics of such eminent anti- marketeers as Lord Montgomery have registered with eupeptic Sunday readers. Nationally, we have been behaving as if the unfair anomalies of the pay pause, the infuriating complexities of our antique transport system, the sluggishness of the economy, the increasing stresses on our edu- cational system, the endless disgrace of our de- caying cities in the North and in Scotland—as if these very serious matters were all that need occupy us.

But in fact everything hangs upon our entry into Europe. The Government, muzzled by the Brussels negotiations, has been unable to say so clearly, far less in the rousing voice which is needed. Mr. Gaitskell, himself we suppose in favour of Britain's going into Europe, must yet proceed in such a pussy-footed way, holding his shaky confederacy together, that he even offended such strong champions of Britain as his fellow- Socialist, M. Spaak. But this period of phoney war will soon be over.

Although the Government for good and obvious reasons cannot itself say so at the moment, it is clear that we must go into Europe, not for economic advantage alone but also to play

our full part in the intricate movements towards realising, in forms as yet unknown, the political union which will surely follow economic asso- ciation. Nor is this all. For it will fall to us to play a decisive part in influencing the direction of political integration away from an inward- looking European nationalism towards that greater Atlantic association already adumbrated by President Kennedy. The continuing and ex- panding prosperity of Western Europe and North America is the least of the advantages offered by what President Kennedy describes as 'the true course of history.' In so far as the drawing to- gether of an integrating Europe with North America (on a level and in forms as yet of neces- sity undefined) would neutralise the dangers implicit in a Europe united on a Franco-German axis, the peace of the world could have no greater guarantee.

Here the energy and skill of British society can be exercised in the service of a purpose greater than the nostalgic make-believe of our Bourbons or the sour reaction of our doctrinaires. It is for Mr. Macmillan and his new ad- ministration to take us into Europe and to fire the imagination of the country in the process. The immediate necessity is for Mr. Macmillan to regain the confidence which has been slipping away in recent months, so that he comes to the crucial negotiations with unchallenged authority. Much depends on his colleagues; more on him- self.

Once the die has been cast and Britain com- mitted, as Britain must be, it will be a small enough matter if our domestic discontents revive again. But at this moment and in the coming months it is not merely a possible slump that is to be held at bay, or electoral displeasure, or the Parliamentary Labour Party : it is the danger of a long decline into decay and impotence in the world. The Government must be able to speak, and speak strongly, for the nation—one nation.