NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE Pause continues, and the departure of Lord Salisbury for his house on the Riviera seems to indicate that he expects it to continue for some days. The Premier probably wished for an interview with M. Hanotaux, and he may have business with the Queen, but a holiday so short will not benefit his health, and he would hardly have quitted London had he not known that the crisis was postponed. Why it is postponed no one appears clearly to understand, but the most reasonable theory is that the Western Powers and the Imperial Powers, which are fast developing their essential difference of tendency, have found the means of compromise in slow action. Crete is blockaded, but Greece is not, and the Greek and Turkish armies "observe" each other from the mountains of the Thessalian frontier. Note, however, that both Turkey and Greece are spending money on preparations, that the Duke of Sparta is to command the Greek army, and that there is a kind of consensus that there must be an end of delays by April 6th.

If things go wrong the crash will be due to the obstinate pride of the German Emperor, and to some design on the part of Russia not yet revealed, but indicated in the orders given to the Black Sea Squadron to be ready for action, and in the accumulation of a really considerable army—ninety thousand men—on the Armenian frontier, with one hundred thousand more ready to support them. If they go right peace will probably be due to the extreme desire of the Sultan to have some cash for Crete. He does not care about his islands, but they are in his eyes properties, and he wants money for them to pay his guard, and the multitude of slaves in Yildiz Kiosk. He would, it is affirmed, have willingly sold the hereditary 'khediveship of Crete to King George, but the Imperial Ambassadors could not bear the ridicule of finding all their despatches stultified by a cash sale of the chattel over the counter. Enough advantage has not been taken of the Mus- stdman feeling that Islam is not damnified when a hereditary governorship is sold, though it is when the ultimate sovereignty —marked by the coinage—is parted with without war. The result of war being a decree of God, of course justifies even zessions of Mahommedan territory.

The Cretans, who are fierce fighters, are still attacking the Mussulman troops, usually with success, and they would seize the ports and settle the quarrel but that the Admirals have instructions to protect them. The British and French detach- ments have arrived in Candia and Canes., but what they are to do beyond policing those towns is by no means clear. It does not appear that Colonel Irassos is in any danger from want of supplies, nor, though there is much talk on the subject, is there any evidence that the insurgents are feeling hunger. It is said that the land cannot be cultivated because all the males are out with rifles; but that has happened in Crete before, and the women and growing lade sowed vegetables enough. It is not so easy to starve people who at the best of times are never fall fed. Where do the Massultnans, for whom no fears are entertained, get their dinners ? The real danger of the island is that the quarrel between the creeds, always bitter, has become so intense that, except when held down by over- whelming force, they will refuse to live together. The Greek Government could settle that difficulty as it has done in Thessaly, but an autonomous Government might not have the necessary force. Whenever Christians and Mussulmans are impartially hanged for murder they live as peacefully side by side as cattle and sheep in a field of grass, never looking at each other, but never fighting. The difficulty of governing fanatics is absurdly overrated in Europe.

Both in France and England the people are with the Greeks, bat neither in France nor England are they willing to hamper their Government. In Paris M. Hanotaux always obtains his vote of confidence by majorities of three to one ; and it is quite understood in London that the Opposition wilt not venture at present to demand a vote of censure. Both countries are, in fact, content as yet to await events. In Germany the Emperor is believed to be most hostile to Greece, but he does not send troops to Crete, and is only represented by one ship at Canea. The Russian Govern- ment is also hostile, and keeps "preparing," but against whom nobody seems to know. The Austrian Government is annoyed with Greece, but it is also suspicious of Russia, anct tries hard on every occasion to maintain the status quo. Its diplomacy is believed to be quite honest, but as usual the Government of Vienna moves slowly and is entirely wanting in originality. We have pointed out elsewhere the excessive hardship of Lord Salisbury's situation, which would almost kill some men with hourly vexations, disappointments, and occasions for conscientious indecision. It must be worse since the report came in that there has been a massacre at Tokat, probably, though that is not proved, an extensive one.

The national monument to William I., the founder of the present German Empire, was unveiled in Berlin on the 22nd inst. amidst much scenic pomp. The monument, which has been erected by Herr Reinhold Begas, sculptor, is placed in the centre of a semi-circular double colonnade of white sandstone, and has for its grand feature a colossal equestrian statue in bronze of the great Emperor 29 ft. 6 in. high, while the height of the whole structure, which is adorned with allegorical figures, is 65 ft. 6 in. The old Emperor, whose form lent itself well to sculpture, stands in full uniform, even to the spiked helmet, calm and steadfast. The present Emperor, surrounded by the German Princes, saluted as the veil fell, an action followed by every one in uniform. The Emperor's speech at the subsequent banquet was quieter than usual, but marked by his strong appreciation of his grand- father, and forgetfulness of the " wise " Emperor, his own father. Next day was marked by a grand historical pro- cession of soldiers in the old uniforms of Brandenburg, followed by a multitude of " societies " and by a waggon of beer-barrels, which received "a heartfelt ovation," the whole affair being highly characteristic of a nation which loves parade, lives in uniform, drinks beer, and has thought enough to appreciate symbolism. Whether it is wise, nearly thirty years after the Empire was founded, to recall the strictly military character of its beginning, to depict Lutetia as a dancer demanding, and not obtaining, homage, and to compel all men to consider what William L would have thought of William II., is matter for speculation. Berlin, at all events, was joyous for two days, which is something for one generation.

The Times correspondent in Paris attaches some importance to the views of Prince Henry of Orleans, who is visiting Egypt on his way to Abyssinia, where he hopes to thwart the mission of Mr. Rennell Rodd to the Emperor Menelek. The Prince affirms in the Figaro that he talked with the Khedive and other members of the Egyptian Government, and found among all the same opinion,—namely, that all authority is swept away at the will of Lord Cromer, that no rights remained, and that, so far from the English having placed the Egyptian bondholders in a good position, the English occupation had abstracted (saustrait) from Egypt £21,000,000 sterling. He maintains further that if the English remain in Egypt nothing remains in the Mediterranean for France. The Egyptian question is for her a matter of life and death, as well as of dignity and honour. M. de Blowitz is much incensed with these remarks, and talks of the "perfidy" of the Prince ; but for ourselves we are more surprised to find a member of the house of Orleans who has so little of the family ability to count. The distinction of that house, the sole distinction, is that it understands business as well as any Jew bank, and knows how to benefit by its arithmetical acute- ness. Louis Philippe would not have scolded at English management of the Egyptian Treasury. He would have bought Egyptians just before the British accepted charge of them, and sold out a little after, remarking, as he counted the profit, "Non olet."

The Senate of the United States has finally killed the Treaty of Arbitration without even a division. They have not, that is to say, rejected the Treaty, probably because they dislike odium among philanthropists, but they have accepted it subject to an " amendment " declaring that in every case the subject of arbitration must be previously approved by a two-thirds vote of the Senate. As this would, in fact, compel the British Government to ask the Senate in each case to agree to a new Treaty, the Treaty thus modified will not be accepted in London, as the majority of the Senators well knew. The vote, according to the American correspondent of the Times, is dictated partly by a blind hostility to Great Britain, and partly by jealousy lest the right of the Senate to concur in treaty-making should be rendered of less importance. "We Aake our stand," said one of them, "upon the Constitution," which is equivalent in America to saying that "it is forbidden in the Bible." The vote is discreditable to the Senate, which is either interested, or governed by a blind hatred, or jealous overmuch of its own position ; but except that it rather dis- courages philanthropists it is not of great importance. The right of appealing to a Law Court never yet prevented two butcher-boys from resorting to fisticuffs, and nations as yet have hardly passed that stage. They may do one day, but we are not hopeful. It took an order from Christ to prevent St. Peter from slaying an adversary, and it will be some time before we are much better than the Apostle. The best Treaty of Arbitration is an irresistible Fleet.

The Education Bill was read a third time on Thursday night by a majority of 200 (331 against 131), after a debate in which Mr. A.:quith led off the attack (in consequence of Sir William Harcourt's illness) in a very exaggerated tone, giving the impression of whipped-up wrath, and was replied to by the Solicitor-General. One of the main articles in the indictment was Mr. Balfour's use of the Closure, to which Mr. Balfour replied that on two sub-sections of the first clause, sub-sections which Mr. Morley had himself described as un- controversial, there had been no fewer than thirteen pages of amendments. Again, seventeen days had been spent in dis- cussing the first clause,—practically the substance of the whole Bill,—and if only the Gladstonians, when they were next in power, should treat the Unionists as well as the Unionists had treated the Gladstonians, Mr. Balfour promised, on behalf of the Unionists, that they would be absolutely content. We fully agree with that description of the license given to the Opposition in the debate, and hold indeed that before many years are over it will become the orthodox method of treating debates in the House of Commons to refuse anything like the ample amount of liberty to reiterate again and again arguments which had been already urged ad nauseam, which Mr. Balfour has conceded to his antagonists in this debate.

Mr. Labouchere delivered an address "at a Smoking At-

Home " in the National Liberal Club on Wednesday, in which he said that Radicals could do nothing if they got a majority in the country and returned to power at once, but pass Bills which the House of Lords would reject, and that then they would get the discredit with the country of being "do- nothings." They ought to identify themselves with the wishes of the democracy, and declare in favour of prohibiting "Jameson Raids" on the poor by the rich. So far as we can gather his meaning by the report of his speech, what Mr. Labouchere really meant was that the Radicals ought to organise "Jameson Raids" on the property of the rich for the benefit of the poor, though he put it the other way. He declared, for instance, that Lord Penrhyn ought not to be allowed to close his quarry when he pleased only because he could not agree with his workmen. That must mean that the State ought to relieve Lord Penrhyu of his rights as a quarry-owner, but yet compel him to provide the capital for working it,—a course which would lead to we know not what acts of ownership by the State in relation to the private property of individual capitalists, and must involve fall-blown Socialism before long. Mr. Labouchere was once at least, and indeed is still, a great newspaper proprietor. What would he say if there were a strike of his printers against the policy of his newspaper, and then, to avoid the dismissal of his printing staff, the State stepped in and dictated the policy which his paper should advocate at his paper's cost ?

We regret to notice the resignation of Mr. Justice Charles, who has resigned after nearly ten years on the Bench in consequence of the return of the illness which compelled him a year ago to take a long rest from his duties. He is still relatively a young man,—not, we believe, fifty-seven,—and has shown such considerable capacity both as an Advocate and as a Judge, that the public will suffer seriously by his loss. He has always shown a singularly equitable as well as a subtle mind, and even his political opponents,—for he once canvassed the University of London as a Conservative,— could always enter into his reasonings and appreciate his motives.

In the South African Committee on Friday, March 19th, Mr. Schreiner was again under examination, and again showed in his answers both statesmanship and moderation of view. The franchise grievance of the Outlanders was, he con- sidered, a real and substantial grievance to a section of the population. "It affects a large section, but I very much doubt that it affects the majority. The people who feel it are the people of South African birth." It was a theoretic grievance for immigrants. The dynamite monopoly was a substantial grievance, as it affected the mining industry. He did not think there was any substantial grievance in con- nection with education. "The exclusion of Outlanders from the jury-box was a grievance, but he did not like adjectives and would not say that it was a serious one." As to the law about public meetings it would be a grievance if enforced, but it was "a dead letter." The alien law was no doubt offensive, but steps must be taken to exclude undesirable people. During the last ten years the alterations in the franchise have been such as to make it more and more diffi- cult for Outlanders to obtain the vote. The Hollanders employed by the Transvaal Government did their work very efficiently. The Transvaal Gold-law was far more liberal than that in other parts of Africa. The general result of Mr. Schreiner's evidence was that there were real grievances, but that they had been exaggerated, and their existence had been made a stalking-horse. We are inclined to add that Mr. Schreiner, in a reaction of feeling against this stalking-horse business, is a little inclined to minimise the magnitude of the grievances which he admits to be real.

Mr. Schreiner continued his evidence on Tuesday last. The most important feature of the sitting consisted in the series of questions put by Mr. Chamberlain, the object of which appeared to be to elicit the fact that President Kruger had repeatedly attempted to infringe or evade the provisions of the London Convention, and was only prevented from doing so by pressure exerted both from the Cape and from the Imperial Government. The crucial question and answer of the examination were as follows. Mr. Chamberlain asked,— " If we adopt your advice and maintain the Convention, and determine that the Transvaal shall not wriggle out of its -treaty obligations, we want, of course, to know whether our -Dutch fellow-subjects will support us as well as the English. You seem now to tell us that we could not count upon that.

want to know whether, if we follow the policy you have recommended, we should be likely to have the support of what you call the loyal Dutch in the Cape Colony ? " Mr. Schreiner replied : "I cannot conceive a case in which the loyal Dutch of the Cape Colony would not go with her Majesty's Government, provided there had been, as I under- stand from you there would be, a fair trial of all diplomatic methods, and, if possible, a reference to arbitration if there was a difference of opinion as to whether there had been a breach or not. They feel strongly that good faith must be observed, but that nice questions on which lawyers may and do differ should not form the basis of an attack. In the latter event their loyalty would be put to a very severe strain." We take this to mean that the Cape Afrikanders would support us in repelling a real breach of the Con- vention, but not in anything which would seem like picking a quarrel over a mere technical breach. That is sound sense, but of course the difficulty arises as to whether repeated technical and unsubstantial breaches may not in the end amount to, and have the effect of, a serious breach. Mr. Schreiner admitted that he had, in eight years given three opinions showing that the Convention had been violated or attempted to be violated.

On Wednesday Mr. Pickersgill moved the second reading of the Court of Criminal Appeal Bill, under which six selected Judges of the Queen's Bench and the Lord Chief Justice are to form a Court for reviewing criminal sentences on the appeal of the person sentenced. The Court was not to retry the case, and could increase the sentence as well as decrease it. A Court of this kind had been recommended by the Council of Judges, said Mr. Pickersgill, and would tend to equalise the sentences for similar offences. The Home Secretary agreed that the Bill should be read a second time and sent to • a Select Committee, but he guarded himself against approving the Bill on behalf of the Government. Sir Edward Clarke, whose experience is, of course, very great, and chiefly as a defender of prisoners, objected to the proposal, as it would interfere with the prompt administration of justice, and would give a great advantage to rich criminals. We must confess that our judgment in the matter goes, on the whole, with Sir Edward Clarke. The important thing is to get the first trial as perfect as possible, and conducted with the very strongest sense of responsibility. But no one can deny that the knowledge that the results of a trial will be reviewed tends to take away the full sense of responsibility from the Court below. Again, unless the judicial body is to be largely increased, the appeals will mean delay, and delay in punish- ment has anything but a wholesome effect on the criminal class.

At the fortnightly meeting of the Royal Geographical Society on Monday a paper was read by Sir Clements Markham on the North Polar problem, after which Dr. Nansen delivered an address. It seems clear that these two great authorities concur with each other substantially 118 to the North Polar region, though Sir Clements Markham admits that he has changed his views considerably since reading the account of Dr. Nansen's discoveries. He now agrees with Dr. Nansen that in all probability the North Polar Sea has no land of any magnitude in it, and that it is a sea of very great depth. Dr. Nansen argues this from the fact that the ice always drifts easily to the north, while it is. very difficult to find any drift towards the south-east, whereas if,there had been any large quantity of land in the Polar Sea that would have stopped the drift of ice to the north. Also no land birds were to be seen flying northwards, as there certainly would have been if land in any quantity had existed there. It was certain that warm water must flow into the Polar Sea from the south, and that as a conse- quence the Ice does not follow exactly the direction of the . winds, but is also affected by the warmer water from the Gulf Stream. It is also certain that the North Polar Sea is very deep, instead of being comparatively shallow, as the geographers had believed till quite recently. Dr. Nansen was in favour of another expedition, which should sail north with an eastward trend through the Behring Straits, and this would probably take the expedition into a drift which would require five years to examine, and give plenty of time for scientific observation. Whether a deliberate preparation for a five years' residence in the Polar ice will fascinate the imaginations of even the hardy seamen of Arctic expeditions, we should feel inclined to doubt,—unless, indeed, Dr. Nansen proposes to lead them himself. His presence might, perhaps, make up for a five years' exile in cold and darkness.

The Archbishop of Canterbury preached at the parish church, Croydon, last Sunday on the occasion of the three hundred and first anniversary of the Whitgift foundation. He thought that the best modern foundation, to come as near as might be to fulfilling Whitgift's purpose, would be a. foundation of scholarships rather than of schools. He thought that the State would have to step in so soon as it was recognised that the thorough education of all classes of children is the duty of the hour; and, again, that we ought to found provision in the shape of pensions for the aged poor who had led an industrious life and are simply disabled by weakness and old age, in place of founding such hospitals as Whitgift set up. And again, the Archbishop held that some provision should be made by the State for the industrious unemployed.who had fallen into a kind of destitution by no fault of their own. For the Primate to identify the State thus directly with those very large and comprehensive enterprises, shows how the spirit of democracy is making its way in the Church; but really it ought to be carefully considered whether such great and expensive pro- visions as these may not drain the resources on which the poor depend for their ordinary wages, and so throw even more labourers out of work with one hand than those whom it relieves with the other.

The Report of the Army Sanitary Commission upon syphilitic disease in India reveals a terrible state of affairs. It shows that the discontinuance of the precautions taken under the Contagions Diseases Acts has in no way diminished vice in the Indian Army, while it has so increased syphilitic disease that out of seventy thousand men eight thousand may be held to be permanently incapacitated for service. More- over, the type of disease has become so severe that the men, who on their return home are received in the hospital at Netley, threaten to spread the equivalent of a terrible pestilence among our own population. Under these circum- stances it is the imperative duty of the Government to ask the permission of Parliament to retrace its steps and allow the medical profession to suggest indispensable legislative precautions. It by no means follows that these precautions should be of the old kind. It would probably be better to treat syphilis like scarlet fever, to make its concealment a penal offence, to insist on segregation in either sex as its inevitable sequence, and to found Lock Hospitals in sufficient numbers under skilled female superintendence. The duty of the State to avoid increasing or regulating vice in no way impairs its duty to preserve the sanitary health of its Army and population. Apart from the general question, we have never been able to understand why on this subject the right of India to legislate for herself is to be overridden. If legislative action with regard to sexual morality is inde- pendent of race, climate, and circumstance, how do we justify ourselves when all over India we legalise polygamy?

We notice with great satisfaction that a Committee has been formed to purchase Churchyard Bottom Wood, High- gate. The wood which is fifty-two acres in extent, is part of the primeval forest of Middlesex, and yet within the five-mile radius from Charing Cross. The Wood belongs to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and they are willing to senit as an open apace for £25,000. If this sum cannot be found by June 30th the Wood will soon find its way into the builders' hands. Various public bodies have -promised considerable sums, but it is believed that 215,000 more must he isubsorified to secure the Wood from destruction. We wish the nioi■e- ment every possible success, especially as it is a ease of preserving a piece of woodland. A genuine playa of wood- land to wander in adds far more to public enjoyment% than an open park of five times the size. Subscriptiona may be sent to Mr. C. F. Cory Wright or Miss Octavia Hill, at 1 Great College Street, Westminster. Cutting...down these *aka and. beeches would be a deplorable way for North LOndOt to

commemorate the longest reign. •

Bank Rate, 3 per cent.

New Consols (2i) were on Friday, 112i.