WOMEN ELECTORS.
To TUE EDITOR OF THE " SPECTATOR."
SIR,—In a recent article in The Spectator it was remarked that it will be• time enough to consider Mr. Mill's proposal to extend the franchise to women when two or three thousand women-wish for it. The same kind of argument is constantly used on other questions relating to women, but on this of the franchise it is brought forward as at once dismissing the subject without need of further controversy. I do not propose now to affirm anything as to the truth or falsehood of the assumption, but simply to ask upon what data it is based, and whether the argument founded upon it has much weight.
There is no doubt a very prevalent impression that women are satisfied with their present position, and would be the first to resist any attempt to force upon them new responsibilities for which they feel themselves unfit. So there is, or has been till quite lately, a very prevalent impression that negroes prefer slavery. Over and over again we have been assured on Southern testimony, confirmed by English travellers, that the slaves are " happy "—that the ambition of a slave is not to be free, but to be a good "nigger "—that the birthright so dear to the white man would be to the black an intolerable burden. There is no reason to doubt that these statements are at least partially true. But the difficulty of obtaining entirely trustworthy evidence has often been pointed out, and it appears that a difficulty, similar in kind, comes in the way of ascertaining the real thoughts and feelings of women with regard to what are opprobriously termed their " rights." In England popular feeling expresses itself in various modes, most of which may be summed up in the general term " clamour." Now, it is obvious that clamour is not only
foreign to the tastes and habits of women generally, but it is likely to be peculiarly repugnant to thoss whose natural disposition to calm reflection may have led them, to perceive capacities and responsibilities existing for themse Ares and others which are not present to the minds of the thoughtless. Such women are not likely to throw themselves into the arena of public agitation, but it ought not therefore to be taken for granted that they are indifferent. The absence of clamour is in this case no proof of carelessness. This will probably be admitted, but it will be said that there are other means of obtaining evidence, and that any one can at least find out what are the opinions of the women of his own circle. This is, however, by no means certain. A lady is asked, perhaps in the presence of spectators, with an ill- concealed smile probably lurking behind the question, whether she would like to have a vote. A very courageous lady, very clear in her own mind, will give a true answer, either yes or no, as the case may be. But most women are neither very courageous nor very clear in their minds, and the majority would hesitate in an opinion which they feel scarcely competent to defend, in the face of the ridicule and disapproval certain to be incurred. Then, again, it ought to be remembered that the franchise has hitherto been talked about as so utterly beyond the reach of women, that it may well have seemed to them scarcely worth while to con- sider whether they wish for it or not. To express a desire for it has been almost like crying for the moon, and thoughtful women have wisely turned their efforts in directions where suc- cess seemed less remote. These considerations may suggest a little more hesitation than is usually shown in pronouncing what the opinions of women are. But supposing that women do prefer to be shut out from direct influence on public affairs, and that negroes do, as is said, prefer slavery—does that justify the dominant class in retaining exclusive privileges and fixing arbitrary limitations to the responsibilities of other human beings ? The arguments in sup- port of such a position seem to be based on the theory that a liberation movement must necessarily begin from below ; that rights are never to be acknowledged by the stronger until they are asserted by the weaker party. The theory is not without plausibility, and has been largely used in defence of slavery, but it is usually repudiated by Liberals, and The Spectator has been fore- most in pointing out its hollowness. If there is any reason for applying it in an analogous case—and I believe the analogy is strictly accurate in so far as the present argument extends—the reason ought surely to be given.
It will be understood that I am not prejudging the question of whether it is expedient to offer the franchise to women. There may be good and sufficient grounds for withholding it. It may be urged, for example, that if women are timid and uncertain in their judgments, not much would be gained by inviting them to take part in public affairs, and such an argument will have great weight with those who regard the existing electors as altogether exempt from similar disqualifications. It may perhaps be shown that for some occult reason, not yet generally knoin, this par- ticular section of intelligence and moral strength can only be brought to bear by indirect methods. Some one may be able to explain why, at the moment when the best thinkers are urging the addition to the electoral roll of new classes in contradistinc- tion to mere numbers, one class —made such by the fact of exclu- sion—possessing every qualification except that of sex, ought on that ground alone to be left unrepresented. It may be maintained that what we might gain in one way by availing ourselies of a fresh element of thought and cultivation we should lose in another--that the frank recognition of women as citizens would be deteriorating to their moral character, perhaps even that the ownership of so weighty a trust would be periloas to the balance Af their minds.. Let these and other arguments receive all the attention that they deserve. All true reformers must desire that before any change is effected, everything that can be said against it should receive a candid hearing. But surely both sides ought to be heard, and a case can scarcely be said to haie been heard when it is summarily dismissed as the mere dream of a philoso- pher, which no one expects or wishes to see realized. The manner in which some "educated Liberals" have dealt with this question suggests doubts, if not of the sincerity of their professions, at least of the breadth and clearness of their mental vision.
A.
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