27 NOVEMBER 1830, Page 1

THE PARLIAMENT.

THE House of Lords have met regularly during the week. The Ministerial changes have disturbed the regular meeting of the Commons ; they sat only on Monday, Tuesday, and Thursday, nor would they have been convened on Thursday had it not been for three election petitions that stood for that day. To the credit of the new House, on this occasion, though much had been said to produce a contrary result, no fewer than 360 members were forthcoming. In the short session of 1826, several instances occurred where, on similar occasions, a House could not be formed. On Monday, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE and Earl GREY delivered their sentiments on the great questions of reform and retrench- ment, and gave a general expose of the intentions of Government respecting them. In the Commons on Monday, a long statement was read in defence of Dr. Phillpotts, and an incidental discussion took place on the subject of reform, and on the disturbances in the country ; the continuance of which Sir ROBERT PEEL considered to be in a great measure owing to want of combination and energy on the part of the local magistracy. On Tuesday, Mr. CROKER, in calling for an explanation of Lord BROUGHAM'S accepting office after decidedly declaring that he did not intend to do so, made a long and severe, though indirect attack on the con- duct of that nobleman. Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH and Mr. MAcau- LEY replied to Mr. CROKER, the latter with considerable acerbity: A discussion, hardly less warm, afterwards took place on Negro Slavery; in which Mr. KEITH DOUGLAS, Mr. BERNAL; and Mr. TREVOR, on the one side, and Mr. LABOUCHERE, Mr. BRISCOE, and Mr. O'CONNELL, on the opposite, joined. The .only other feat,n7 of the Parliamentary week was the explanation of Lord

lUsUCHAli on Friday, in reply to what had fallen from Mr. CROKER on Tuesday.

1. MINISTERIAL DECLARATIONS. On Monday night, the Mar- quis of LANSDOWNE took occasion, in presenting a petition from Glasgow praying for reform in Parliament, to deliver his senti- ments on that engrossing subject. Unluckily, his Lordship placed himself, while speaking, in such a position, that a large screen in- terposed directly between him and the reporters, and rendered in- audible the one half that he uttered, and by consequence the other half nearly unintelligible. He was understood to state, that he differed wholly from those wild plans of reform advocated by some —namely, universal suffrage and annual parliaments; that he thought property and knowledge ought to constitute the sole claims to a share in the elective franchise ; and that, regulating the franchise on this principle, the time was come when it was ab- solutely necessary to extend it to numerous wealthy and populous districts and towns that had grown up to consequence since the representation of the country was arranged in its present form. The speech of the Marquis of Lansdowne called up his noble col- league, Earl GREY. The speech of Earl Grey is of great import- ance, as it may be looked on as an ex-pose of the intentions of the new Cabinet. We quote it from the Times, where we have reason to know that it is given with great accuracy and completeness. Earl GREY said— He felt inclined to take occasion of what had fallen from his noble friend, to make a short statement to their Lordships, which he trusted would not be unbecoming in him to make, explanatory of the principles upon which, in obedience to the commands of his Majesty, he had deter- mined to accept the honourable situation in which he then stood. On that most important question, to which these petitions referred, it could not, he thought, be necessary for him to say much. His opinions upon the subject of Parliamentary Reform had been long known to the coun- try. Indeed, it was not long since he had availed himself of an opportu- nity which arose in the debate which took place on the first night of the session, to restate them to their Lordships. He had then declared out of office what he now repeated in office, that it was necessary that the Go- vernment, by whom alone that question could be satisfactorily taken up, should take into its immediate consideration the stale of the representa- tion of the people in the Commons House of Parliament, with a view to correct the defects which had been introduced into it by time, and for the purpose of re-establishing in the public mind that confidence in its deci. sions which its present constitution prevented it from enjoying to the extent which was requisite for the safety and well-being of the Govern- ment. On that occasion he had stated to their Lordships, that he was not one of those who were inclined to support any of those fanciful but extreme plans of reform which were promulgated by some persons out of doors, but which, if adopted, would lead, not to reform, but to anarchy

support, the principles of universal suffrage, or slimy of aloe wide and 'which better things might have been expected. He wished to stand as ' 'which much as he could upork the fixed and settled institutions of the countr; and, feeling that some reform was necessary, the principle on

was necessary to secure to the people a due influence in that council in that a government could make to preserve peace, consistent with the which they were more peculiarly represented, and of restoring, by that honour and independence of the country. (Hear, hear.) Upon these principles he had undertaken a task to which he had not the presumption means, a satisfaction and confidence in the determinations of Parliament,

without which the Government could not long proceed in comfort and to state that he was equal. He had arrived at a period of life when re- , safety. A reform, extensive to this degree—and if it were not extensive tirement was more to be desired than active employment ; and he could

to this degree, it would be inefficient—he wished to see adopted, limited, assure their Lordships, that he should not have emerged from it, had he however, by a due regard to the settled institutions of the country, not found—might he be permitted to say thus much without incurring the and not accompanied by those great and sudden changes which must charge of vanity and arrogance ?—had be not found himself, owing to ac- produce their disturbance, if not their destruction. He did not think cidental circumstances, and certainly not to any merit of his own, in a that it was necessary for him to say any thing more on this subject on the situation in which, if he had declined the task, any attempt to form anew present occasion. He admitted that what he had said was very general in its Government would have been unsuccessful. Urged by these considers_ nature. All it amounted to was, a distinct acknowledgment of the principle tions, he had undertaken the government of the country at this momen_ of reform—an explicit statement of its necessity—and an anxiety to regu- tous crisis. His trust was in the support of their Lordships, in the sup., late it in such a manner as would again inspire the people with confidence port of the public, and, above all, in the gracious promises of kindness in the Legislature, without unsettling any of the fixed and settled institu- and protection which he had received from his Majesty, which alone tions of the country. At the same time that he made this avowal, he could carry him safely through the difficulties by which he was environed. thought it right to express his determination to object to those changes He looked forward with some confidence to that support and indulgence which, if established, would only tend to create disagreement and colli- which was due to a new Government. At the same time, hethought it right sion, instead of harmony and good feeling, between the two branches of to state, that in case he found that he could not execute the task which the Legislature. So much with respect to the question of reform ; on he hadundertaken, or that he could not, with all his efforts, support the which it was only necessary for him to add, that he had his Majesty's weight which he had imposed upon his shoulders, he was prepared to re. most-gracious permission to acknowledge, at a proper period, that his sign into the hands of his Majesty the trust which his Majesty had coin- Majesty was not opposed to the principle of it. In vindication of his own mitted to his hands under especial circumstances, in a manner which dis. consistency, he must observe, that he could not have obeyed his Majesty's played at once his love for his country, his consideration for his subjects, commands to form a new Administration, had he not received his and his gracious condescension towards himself. It was not necessary for

Majesty's most gracious permission to lay before him, at a proper time, him to say a word more at present, except it were to express the gratitude such a measure in all its details, as he thought fitting, to carry the prin- which he felt for the gracious kindness and confidence with which he had ciple of reform into practice. been treated by his Majesty,—a kindness and confidence by which alone he Having said thus much upon this subject, he would now proceed to add had been enabled in so short a space of time—for it was only a week since

one or two words upon other topics, which were scarcely of less import- he had listened to a noble and learned lord introducing a most important ante. He felt that the country was placed at present in &situation of un- measure into the House, as the organ of another Government—to bring paralleled difficulty. (Hear, hear.) All he could say was—and to this together a set of persons whom he had selected for his colleagues, not point he was drawn by the observations of the noble Baron who had with any view to their Parliamentary influence, but to their competence spoken of the condition of the labouring poor—all he could say was, that to fill the different situations to which they were appointed. Having done he should look with painful care and anxiety, not only to their situation, thus much, the Administration now stood before their Lordships : they but to the situation of every other interest in the community. It knew the persons who composed it—they had heard the principles on was now only three hours since he and his colleagues in office had been which it professed to act—the rest was left to their decision, and to the installed in his Majesty's councils—they had not yet had access to any decision of the country. (Hear, hear.) 'of the docuMents of office ; he therefore could not speak as to the infor- Earl RADNOR expressed his regret at the general terms em. nation which might have been received, or as to the measures which the b b

receipt of that information might make it necessary to pursue. All that he

could promise was, that the most immediate, assiduous, and unceasing at- institutions of the country they meant the smaller borougunceasing tention should be given to that subject which called most particularly upon if, while they extended the franchise to large towns, they left them for consideration. He had summoned for that very evening a council these blots in the representation, the system they proposed would of his colleagues, to consider of those measures which could not at present be rejected as insufficieht by the whole of the country. admit of any longer delay. Their first and earliest attention would be Earl GREY protested against the limitation which Earl Radnor paid to the existing distresses of the country. To relieve those distresses 'would be their first and most anxious endeavour ; but he must say—and had put upon his meaning. ,' The limitation which I laid down was this : looking with dismay at on this point he spoke, not only for himself, but for all his colleagues—that the wild and extravagant theories of reform which many persons pro- they were one and all actuated by a determined resolution to put down outrages, wherever they had been committed, with severity and rigour. mulgated, but feeling at the same time that defects had been introduced He was convinced that severity in the first instance was the most &free- by time into our representative system which required correction, my tual method to prevent the growth of outrages in future. Anxious as object win be, if a happy medium can be found, to propose such a reform lie was to relieve the distress of the country, he wished it to be distinctly as will satisfy public expectation without endangering the settled insti- understood, that there would not be, on the part of the Administration, tutions of the country. Now, does the noble Earl mean to say, that a re- any. want of courage to repress the disturbances in which the people of form, limited by a desire to stand as firmly as prudence will permit by the England—God forgive him for bringing so groundless a charge against ancient landmarks, and to prevent the sudden disturbance of our ancient them—but in which a portion of the people of England had been deluded institutions by too large and extensive changes in them, is such a reform to engage; the effect of them being to destroy entirely the means of em- as would be rejected by the country ? If so, then I will tell the noble ployment, whilst they were complaining of the absolute want of it. So Earl that the country must want, not a reform,. but a revolution ; and so far as the domestic affairs of the country were concerned, he had said far am I from wishing to encourage such a project, that my object avow- perhaps enough upon them all, excepting one subject, which would natu- edly is to prevent that which, end as it may, must be a greater evil than tally present itself to their Lordships—he meant the reduction of all any which exists under the present system,—I mean the danger and ne- tinnecessary expenditure. (Hear, hear.) It was the firm resolution of cessity for a revolution." (Hear, hear.) himself and his colleagues to maintain all the establishments which were The Marquis of LANSDOWNE deprecated entering on details, absolutely necessary for the support and maintenance of the Govern- while the plans of Ministers were yet unconcocted.

any one of them not to cut off from those establishments every thing i ment ; but at the same time, he trusted that there was no disposition in which could be spared without detriment to the public service. Already nisters in carrying through the House any plan of reform, which, bad they, in accepting office, discontinued some expenses—he took no while it purified the rep resentation, secured the monarchy and the credit, however, for so insignificant a saving—which had been usually established institutions of the country. s The Earl of CARNARYON thought that reform as no better elsewhere. He desired, however, that it might not be imagined that the

Submitted to, and on the propriety of which a discussion had taken place

intended to limit themselves to that reduction. No : all the establish- li they than delusion, and it would be so accounted by the people whom ments of Government would be open to consideration; and on its being it was meant to conciliate, unless accompanied by measures for satisfactorily ascertained that reductions could be made without injury to the immediate relief of the labouring poor. the public service, they would be made with the most unflinching se- To this Earl GREY replied— verity. (Hear.) Connected with this subject of economy was the due He did not propose as the remedy for the distress of the people a re. maintenance of public credit ; and he assured their Lordships that as the form of the representation ; still less was it to be inferred from what he maintenance of public credit was the first and most sacred duty of Govern- had said, that the people of England did not labour under other grievances .ment, the present Administration would be ready to support it by every which called for redress. The very first subject on which the King's new means in their power. (Hear.) Government would have to bestow their most serious attention, was the The only other point on which it might be satisfactory to their Lord- distressed condition of the working classes. (Hear.) To that condition with foreign powers. On those relations he must make the same state- would be devoted their most serious deliberations from that very night, ships to hear some explanation from him, was the state of our relations went as he had already made on the other branches of our policy— with a view to a remedy ; and that inquiry having been instituted, they would next apply themselves to the important subject of reform in Par- namely, that hitherto he and his colleagues did not at present know what repeat, now that he was in office, what he had said when he was out of 2. SEATS VACATED. New writs were moved for on Monday had been done by their predecessors in office. All he could say was to offi meld Atha the first object, as well as the first duty of himself and for Northamptonshire, Cumberland, Cambridge University, ..,.... .- ...e.f.• a i, :1 .‘ hat in his opinion,the true policy of England, as far as • , :?, es; huld be to maintain peace by all means consistent with ton, Inverness-shire, Aylesbury, Tralee, Portsmouth, • 4 -*-- rference. (Hear, hear.) Not knowing what had been 0MITH, Mr. F. BARING, Mr. PONSONBY, and Mr. P. THOMSON. . en 4. .. "I Tuesday, a new writ was moved for Knaresborough, and also d . i oints by the Administration to which be was succeed- o n ii'-:_ 4

b p;To' • _ .V. e means by which peace must be preserved, he must

w -I ,r.seop s with whom his Majesty was in alliance, with a view CRORER rose to demand an explanation of the language those of France and England, both of which now stood on the principles liameepry reform-from Tuesdaylast week to Thursday the 25t 'nap 4.01? and leaxned lord bed. declared publicly and plainly n for Prat. to endanger, the peace of Europe. Between two governments, like use of by Lord ORPIIRMAAT on deferring his great motion to th ustment of all questions which were likely to disturb, if not of liberty, there should be, and he had no doubt but there would be, a House, and with a full view of the change which had now been a 1,—..nese—re•—•—.—.....,„, and confusion. He never bad supported, and be did not now intend to union of conduct arising out of the common principles on which both.

acted, and that. absence of all petty views of ambition and aggrandize- extensive changes which had been propounded in some quarters, from meatwhich oaghtto marlethe policy offreeitudenlightened states. (Hear.) These were the views which he hadto open to their Lordships on behalf of his ajesty"s Government; and, to sum them am as shortly as he could ,M hich e in one sentence, the principles on which his Administration was prepared wished to regulate it—for the task, he believed, would be considered on to act were—first, the amelioration of existing abuses ; secondly, the most rigid economy in the public expenditure ; and lastly, every endeavour all hands as one of no small difficulty—would be that of doing as much as

was necessary to secure to the people a due influence in that council in that a government could make to preserve peace, consistent with the which they were more peculiarly represented, and of restoring, by that honour and independence of the country. (Hear, hear.) Upon these principles he had undertaken a task to which he had not the presumption means, a satisfaction and confidence in the determinations of Parliament, to this degree, it would be inefficient—he wished to see adopted, limited, assure their Lordships, that he should not have emerged from it, had he however, by a due regard to the settled institutions of the country, not found—might he be permitted to say thus much without incurring the and not accompanied by those great and sudden changes which must charge of vanity and arrogance ?—had be not found himself, owing to ac- produce their disturbance, if not their destruction. He did not think cidental circumstances, and certainly not to any merit of his own, in a that it was necessary for him to say any thing more on this subject on the situation in which, if he had declined the task, any attempt to form anew present occasion. He admitted that what he had said was very general in its Government would have been unsuccessful. Urged by these considers_ nature. All it amounted to was, a distinct acknowledgment of the principle tions, he had undertaken the government of the country at this momen_ of reform—an explicit statement of its necessity—and an anxiety to regu- tous crisis. His trust was in the support of their Lordships, in the sup., late it in such a manner as would again inspire the people with confidence port of the public, and, above all, in the gracious promises of kindness in the Legislature, without unsettling any of the fixed and settled institu- and protection which he had received from his Majesty, which alone tions of the country. At the same time that he made this avowal, he could carry him safely through the difficulties by which he was environed. thought it right to express his determination to object to those changes He looked forward with some confidence to that support and indulgence which, if established, would only tend to create disagreement and colli- which was due to a new Government. At the same time, hethought it right sion, instead of harmony and good feeling, between the two branches of to state, that in case he found that he could not execute the task which the Legislature. So much with respect to the question of reform ; on he hadundertaken, or that he could not, with all his efforts, support the which it was only necessary for him to add, that he had his Majesty's weight which he had imposed upon his shoulders, he was prepared to re. most-gracious permission to acknowledge, at a proper period, that his sign into the hands of his Majesty the trust which his Majesty had coin- Majesty was not opposed to the principle of it. In vindication of his own mitted to his hands under especial circumstances, in a manner which dis. consistency, he must observe, that he could not have obeyed his Majesty's played at once his love for his country, his consideration for his subjects, commands to form a new Administration, had he not received his and his gracious condescension towards himself. It was not necessary for

Majesty's most gracious permission to lay before him, at a proper time, him to say a word more at present, except it were to express the gratitude such a measure in all its details, as he thought fitting, to carry the prin- which he felt for the gracious kindness and confidence with which he had ciple of reform into practice. been treated by his Majesty,—a kindness and confidence by which alone he Having said thus much upon this subject, he would now proceed to add had been enabled in so short a space of time—for it was only a week since

ployed by the Marquis of 'Lansdowne and Earl Grey. If by the LordWHARNCLIFFE declared his intention of supporting Mi- w

liament.

Preansd- e country. On all those questions which were now dis- Dover, which several seats had been vacated by the acceptance eting the Continent, he had told their Lordships, on a office by Lord ALTHORP, Sir JAMES GRAHAM, Lord PA ER NheYoug,halitiir'.colf: . i • ed without injury to national honour, was a complete SMITH, Mr. STANLEY, Mr. G. GRANT, Lord IIG NT Mr. v . en 4. .. "I Tuesday, a new writ was moved for Knaresborough, and also ftoor, eak more fully upon them than he had spoken already: Yorkshire—both vacant by the elevation of Mr. BROUGHAM.... , A1,1- e o the preservation of the connexions already formed the Peerage. On the writ for Knaresborough being moved, ivir.ade that he could not by any possibility form a part or that Adiniiiiiitratioh whose creation when the now noble and learned lord made his declaration, was plainly, obviously, certainly inevitable. ("Hear, hear," from the Oppo- sition benches.) He should not have thought so much of this declaration, bad not the noble and learned lord made it voluntarily, and had he not repeated it—yes, repeated it, and voluntarily repeated it—on the next public occasion, and after he had hadfull time to look at all the bearings of the impending change. He had often heard that noble and learned lord, while a member of that House, declare that the characters of public men formed a part of the wealth of England ; and as often as the noble and learned lord had expressed this sentiment, so often had he (Mr. Croker) been prepared to admit the correctness of it, and to participate fully in the justness of it If the sentiment were correct,—as from his heart he believed it was,—he must say, that he didthink it highly impor- tant that the character of the man who was vested with the most eminent and transcendent powers of the state—who was called, by a sacred ex- pression but not an extravagant one, " the Keeper of the King's con- science"—and who, above all, had the disposal of the chief part of the patronage of the Church,—he did, he said, think it important in the highest degree, that the character of such a man should stand clear of all shuffiir", manly, open, fair, and unclouded, to the view of the public. Certain it was, that if the character of any public man ought to stand thus, the Lord Chancellor was that man ; • and he could not, therefore, think any apology was due from him for taking this, the most fitting opportunity of reminding the House of those two re- markable declarations which the noble and learned lord had volunteered in that house. He was ready to hear now, or, if it were not convenient now, at some other time when it might he convenient, the explanation of the reasons which had influenced the conduct of the noble and learned lord. He was very ready to believe that a satisfactory explanation might be given ; hut, in the absence of such explanation, and with the present recollection of the voluntary declarations of the noble and learned lord, he had thought it his duty to make these observations to the House.

After complaining of the disrespect shown to the House of Com- mons in the writ not having been moved for on the previous day, when the noble personage had taken his seat on the woolsack as Lord Chancellor, Mr. Croke' read from a Yorkshire paper, de- scribed as very zealously devoted to the interests of Lord Brougham, and acting as the organ of his party, the following corroboration of his intention not to accept of office. "A correspondent of our own says—' Mr. Brougham said in the coun- cil-room yesterday, that he should take no office whatever ; that when he was returned for Yorkshire, he made his election between power and the service of the people.' His constituents will learn with great satisfaction the estimate he sets on the honour of their representation."

The Ex-Secretary of the Admiralty continued—

Bad the noble and learned lord been neglected ? or, which was worse, had he been offered something which he did not think equal to his high deserts and to his splendid abilities ? Was that the case ? and were these declarations intended as a menace,'or as a spur to the lazy gratitude of the new First Lord of the Treasury ? If so, then let him ask what confi- dence could be reposed in an Administration which could be influenced by such motives, and swayed by such means ? If, on the other hand, the noble and learned lord was perfectly sincere when he made these declara- tions, then he (Mr. Croker) must contend that it was highly important to the House and to the country, that an explanation should be given of the circumstances which had caused so great an alteration in the views of the noble and learned lord. He repeated that lie was ready to believe that a satisfactory explanation might be given on this point ; but he must again say, that it appeared to him that until such an explanation were given, the character of the noble and learned lord was under a cloud.

Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH reprobated the extreme irregularity of the whole speech of Mr. Croker. Since the days of Leicester's Regency, no such specimen of contempt of the rules of the House had ever been intruded on it. The speech was a congeries of offences against the standing orders of the House. He denied the accuracy of the words attributed to Lord BROUGHAM; and ridi- culed the notion of rendering him accountable for words lightly uttered, if uttered at all, in the robing-room of the King's Bench,— in all probability, incorrectly heard and reported, and now given not on the credit of him that heard, or of him that reported them,* but mixed up with the comments of the unknown editor of a pro- vincial newspaper. Sir James denied that the. explanation for which Mr. Croker, called was due, or ought to be given.

But if such an explanation could be given, who were the persons, the only persons, that could give it? Why, the colleagues of his noble and learned friend ; and they were not present. (Hear, hear.) Was it fair, then, in the absence of those who, being the only persons who were ac- quainted with the communications that had passed upon the subject, were obviously the only persons who could give an explanation which the honourable gentleman, with seeming candour, admitted might be possible—was it fair, in the absence of these persons, to make this attack? How happened it that the honourable gentleman had chosen such an op- portunity of making this assault—an opportunity which, by his own showing, was the most improper? He denied, however, that any ex- planation was due under the circumstances which the honourable gen• tleman had laid down as the grounds on which he called for explana- tion. Was the House to call for 'communications that had passed be- tween the Crown and persons who had been intrusted with the formation of new Administrations—communications than which none could be of a more delicate or a more secret nature? (Hear, hear.) Yet these commu- nications, and nothing else, would afford that explanation which the ho- nourable gentleman demanded. If the honourable gentleman meant to

• The correspondent in question, writing to the Globe (Nov. 25th) says—"I can- not now, and never did, pretend to repeat the exact words used by that noble and learned Lord on the occasion alluded to. In fact, I never heard him say any thing upon the subject ; but the anecdote was repeated in my bearing, out of doors, and I took the opportunity of meritiobilig what I had beard, in a private letter which I wrote to a relative in Yorkshire,'Who Was always one of Mr. Brougham's warmest Partisans, -and naturally interested in every thing connected with his .public con- duct. To my astonishment and'regret, T have found that this part of m y letter has been published, ao doubt with the intention of doing honour in the eyes of his con- stituents to the noble and learned person in question. The circumstances under which these words are supposed to hate been spoken, would have made it incumbent upon vas, as a matter ofhonottr, not to be accessary to their publication in a news- Paper; and, under any circumstances, I should have taken care—lad I entertained the sligictest notion that they would be given to the public, and so furnish Mr. John Wilson Craker, or any body else, with the means of an attack upon the Lordotan- eehor--to ascertain them with a more scrupulous exactness than one either dots or tan employ withrespectto ananecdote circulated only in private society." inifthat he Would-be satisfied with less than this,-that-he would take as true the assertion of honourable men, that new circumstances had occur- red which caused his noble and learned friend to depart from his former purpose, and that he would be content with a bare statement of the na- ture of these circumstances,—if the honourable gentleman meant to take this ground, still it would furnish him with no defence, no excuse, for the conduct he had pursued that night ; because all Those persons who could satisfy the demands of the honourable gentleman were absent, Una- voidably absent, from the House. (Hear, hear.) Lord L. GOWER did not demand any explanation, but he con- sidered the discrepancy between the plain declarations of the noble Lord and his subsequent acceptance of office, if unexplained, as necessarily detrimental to his public character.

Lord MORPETH observed, that the Duke of Wellington had de- clared that he should be a madman to accept of office—much stronger language than ever Lord Brougham had made use of; yet the Duke afterwards accepted the very office for which he had pronounced himself so unfit. without, apparently, any detriment to his character, as Lord Gower had not scrupled to hold office under him.

Mr. W. Dux-comae thought Lord Brougham should first of all, as member for Yorkshire, have redeemed his pledges in regard to the Abolition of Slavery and Parliamentary Reform, and then he might have retired to the woolsack with honour. Sir HENRY HARDINGE warmly defended the Duke of Wellington from the sneers of such " lordlings" as Viscount Morpeth ; and Mr. MACAULEY declared that, had Lord Brougham been present, Mr. Croker would sooner have burned his tongue out than have wagged it against him. Sir HENRY was called to order, and apo- logized for the terms he had employed ; and Mr. MACAULEY ex- plained, that the burning he meant was not physical burning, nor did he impute want of personal courage to Mr. Croker, but merely that Lord Brougham was such a master of the same weapon with which he had been attacked, that Mr. Croker would not have ven- tured to engage with him. Mr. LONG WELLESLEY, who sat on the Ministerial benches, said, the Duke, his uncle, was a good Minister, but badly sur- rounded ; of which he asked no better proof than the conduct of his ex-supporters on that occasion.

Mr. LIDDEL said, so far from being offended, the people of Yorkshire would rejoice to find that the same great qualities that had attracted their regard had also gained the notice and approba- tion of their Sovereign.

It is not a little singular, that on the same evening on which this discussion took place, and after it was over, new writs were moved for Norwich, vacant by Mr. ROBERT GRANT'S appoint- ment to the office of Judge Advocate, and for Knaresborough (the second seat), vacated by Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH, who had actually sat and had spoken in the House not an hour before, having accepted of the office of Commissioner of the Board of Control.

3. LORD BROUGHAM'S EXPLANATION.—The demand for an explanation from Lord BROUGHAM—whether from the manner in which it was made, from the insignificancy, in a popular and official point of view, of the gentleman who made it, or from the change in Lord BROUGHAM'S conduct not appearing to the public so wonderful as to the ex-Secretary—seems to have excited little interest. It was not even alluded to in the House of Lords till Friday ; when the Earl GROSVENOR having presented some pe- titions on Parliamentary Reform and Negro Slavery, directly ad- verted to the misrepresentations in another place. The Lord Chancellor thus called on, left the Woolsack, and briefly addressed their Lordships on the subject of them. Having stated that his opinions on the great questions which had been so often advocated were unchanged, and that, as frequent and speedy opportunities would be given him, it was then unnecessary to repeat their, Lord BROUGHAM went on thus- " As my noble friend observes that misrepresentations have gone abroad, and remarks of an unfriendly nature, touching the consistency of my public conduct, have been made elsewhere, and that therefore he was anxious to give me an opportunity of setting right the one and re- pelling the other,—should I now decline offering a few words in defer- ence to your Lordships, and, I may add, out of respect to myself, after the call which has been made on me, it might wear the appearance of shrinking, not from the expression of my opinions to correct misrepre- sentation, but from the attacks which have been made on me, if, indeed, the observations to which my noble friend alludes were intended as at- tacks. Suffice it, however, to say very briefly, that I bear and shall bear with perfect equality of mind every thing that may be said of me in any quarter whatsoever ; that I am not at all surprised, but the contrary, that a person so respectable for his knowledge and talent, nay, even distin- guished for the exercise of that knowledge and talent, has been led, from ignorance of my character, into errors respecting me ; and that I bear with an equal mind what has been said by that individual, under the in- fluence of mistake. I am not astonished at the observations which have been made by persons, in another place; for they cannot be more asto- nished (and, as a matter of astonishment, I understand the observathins to which I allude were introduced, I do not say they were intended as an attaek)—they cannot feel greater astonishment than I myself do at fay consenting to my elevation to the distinguished place which I now hold in his Majesty's councils. My Lords, I am not surprised at their astonish- ment, and only say that I share it with them ; for they cannot be more stricken with wonder that I, at this late period—at this eleventh hour— should have overcome my repugnance to resign my high station as representative for Yorkshire—than I was myself when I did over- come that repugnance. Up to that time when I am said to have stated my intention of never severing myself from the repre- sentation of Yorkshire—which intention, by the by, I never did state —but up to the time when 'I am said to have made that statement,tl no more contemplated the possibility of my being prevailed upon to quit the station I held for that I now occupy than I at the present moment hug I shall ever go back to that House from which the favour of his Majesty has raised me. I need not add, that in changing my station in Parlia- ment the principles which have ever guided me remain unchanged. When I accepted the high office to which I have been called, I did so in the full and perfect conviction, that far from disenabling me to discharge my duty to my country-far from rendering my services less efficient, it but enlarged the sphere of my utility. The thing which dazzled me most in the prospect which opened to my view, was not the gewgaw splendour of the place, but because it seemed to afford me, if I were honest-on which I could rely ; if I were consistent-which I knew to be a matter of absolute necessity in my nature ; and if I were as able as I knew myself honest and consistent-a field of exertion more extended. That by which the great seal dazzled my eyes, and induced me to quit a station which till this time I deemed the most proud which an Englishman could enjoy, was, that it seemed to hold out the gratifying prospect that in serving my King I should be better able to serve my country. (Cheers.) 4. VOTE BY BALLOT. In presenting a Reform petition on Monday night from Nottingham. Mr. DENMAN took occasion to express himself in very decided terms in favour of a reform of the Commons House of Parliament. The petition, which was most numerously and respectably signed, prayed for vote by ballot. Mr. DENMAN said he had not yet brought his mind to the approval of V at form of voting, and he thought that the consideration of it would be best postponed until the reform which it was meant to work had been disposed of; but he admitted at the same time, that it was advocated by many intelligent and respectable persons, and-he was prepared, and lie hoped that others were equally so, to give it his deliberote and impartial attention. Sir R. C. FER- GUSON, who supported the prayer of the petition, said, that he had at one time been hostile to the vote by ballot, but that the arguments of its advocates had completely converted him, and that he was prepared to go along with his constituents as fully on that point as on the others that formed the subject of their prayer.

5. Da. PHILLPOTTS. Along statement, in reference to Sir JAMES GRAHAM'S motion for an address to prevent the living of Stanhope from being held in commendam by Dr. PHILLPOTTS, who has been chosen Bishop of Exeter by the Dean and Chapter, in consequence of the cone (Mire to that effect, was read in the House of Commons on Monday night, by his brother, Mr. PHILL- POTTS. The substance of the statement is-that instead of a popu- lation of 12,000, the parish of Stanhope contains only 7,500 souls, and that of these 2,500 are not and never have been under the spiritual care of the rector ; that there are two resident curates, of high character, who are licensed and irremoveable, ex- cept for cause shown, by the Bishop ; that instead of paying tithes to the amount of 4,0001., the parish in reality pays only 6001., the remaining 3,4001. being made up of certain tithes of ore formerly belonging to the see of Durham, alienated at a long time ante- cedent to the restricting acts. It was added, that Stanhope had been already held three several times in commendam by different Bishops, and that on three several occasions Bishops of Exeter bad held rich livings in commendam. Lastly, the statement con- cluded, Dr. PHILLPOTTS had laid out on buildings in Stanhope the sum of 12,0001., which formed a rent-charge of 1,0001. against him, whether he held the living or not. To this statement, Sir HENRY HARDINGE added, that Dr. PHILLPOTTS had fourteen children ; and that the Duke of Wellington had affirmed the Doctor had always been against Catholic Emancipation. The Bishop of London and Archbishop of Canterbury concurred in the choice of the Very Reverend Doctor, but thought it would dis- please the Church, which, however, the Duke knew to arise from a false opinion of the Doctor's sentiments, and therefore did not think worthy of consideration.

Hours of Adjournment-The House of Commons sat on Monday till half-past six; on Tuesday till seven o'clock, when it adjourned to Thursday; on Thursday it sat

• till seven o'clock, and adjourned to Tuesday.

FUTURE BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

ADSHNISTRATION OF JUSTICE.-Bill to regulate the fees and emoluments of the officers of the Supreme Courts of India. Mr. S. Wortley-December 16. THE CHURCH.-Bill to prohibit plurality of benefices, and benefices held in eommendam with Bishopricks. Sir John Newport-After Christmas. IRELAND.-State of the First Fruits' Fund in Ireland. Sir John Newport-De- ferred from November 30 to December 16. Return spesifyiug the number of 501,201., and 101. Freeholders and Clergymen who voted at the General Election for the Irish County Members. Mr. Wyse- December 2. LAW AMENDMENTS.-Bill to amend the law respecting inheritance and descent, and to allow parents to succeed as heirs to their children, and collateral relations to succeed as heirs to each other, though of the half-blood. Mr. J. Campbell-After Christmas. Bill to amend the law respecting dower and curtesy. Mr. J. Campbell-After Christmas. Bill to abolish fines and recoveries, and to substitute other _assurances in lieu thereof. Mr. J. Campbell-After Christmas. Bill to amend the law regarding prescription and limitation of actions respecting real property. Mr. J. Campbell-After Christmas. LABOURING PooR.-Bill to prohibit the payment of wages otherwise than in money. Mr. Littleton-Deferred from December 2 to December 4. Select Committee to inquire into the state of the laws respecting the payment of wages in goods. Mr. Hume-Deferred from December 2 to December 14. PAROCHIAL LAW.-Bill for the better regulation of parish vestries. Mr. Hob- house-After Christmas.

. Select Committee to consider the laws and state of the baptismal and other paro- chial registries in England and Wales. Mr. Wilke-After Christmas.

PENAL Cons.-Select Committee on efficiency of secondary punishments. Colo- nel Davies-Deferred from the 10th to the 17th of March. ROMAN CATRomcs.-Bill for the better securing charitable donations and be- - quests of his Majesty's subjects in England and Wales, professing the Roman Ca- tholic religion. Mr. O'Connell-November 25. Bill to amend the laws respecting marriages celebrated by Roman Catholic priests. hfr. O'Connell-After Christmas. REGISTRY.-;-Bill for establishing a general register for all deeds and instruments affecting real property for England and Wales.' Mr..1. Campbell-December 8.

TAXATION.-Bill-to-exempt allplaces exclusively appropriated to Religious Wor- ship from assessment to the rates for the relief of the yoor. Mr. Wilks-After Christmas.

Agnew, Sir A. a month (Nov. 22.)

Archdall, General three weeks ... (Nov. 23.)

Astley, Sir John three weeks ... (Nov. 23.) Balfour, J. a month (Nov. 18.) Baring, Sir Thomas three weeks ... (Nov. 25.) Bastard, J. a month (Nov. 19.) Benett, J three weeks ... (Nov. 23.) Bradshaw, Haldane a month (Nov. 23.) Curzon, R. a month (Nov. 25.) Dundas, R. A three weeks ... (Nov. 22.) Dundas, C a fortnight .... (Nov. 22.) Dundas, H. a month ...... (Nov. 19.) Egerton, Totten a month (Nov. 23.)

• Fane, Sir Henry a fortnight .... (Nov. 23.)

Gisborne, T. ten days (Nov. 23.) Johnstone, Jtimes three weeks ... (Nov. 22.) Kennedy, Lord a month (Nov. 18.) Knatchbull, Sir Edward ... a month! (Nov. 23.) Loughborough, Lord a fortnight .... (Nov. 23.) Morgan, Sir Charles a fortnight .... (Nov. 25.) Newark, Viscount a month (Nov. 25.) : Nichol!, Sir John a fortnight .... (Nov. 23.) Norreys, Lord three weeks ... (Nov. 23.) : Pennefather, if a month (Nov.25.) Penruddocke, J. H. three weeks (Nov. 23.) Phipps, E. a month (Nov. 23-) Portman, E three weeks ... (Nov. 23.) Pollen, Sir John a fortnight .... (Nov. 25.) Pitt, Joseph a fortnight .... (Nov. 25.) Saunderson, Alexander a month (Nov. 15.) Smith, Asheton three weeks ... (Nov. 22.) Stuart, Villiers a month (Nov.22.) Sorry, Earl of three weeks ... (Nov. 25.) NEW WRITS MOVED FOR.

Aylesbury Lord Nugent Commissioner of the Treasury Cambridge University .Lord Palmerston Secretary of State Cumberland Sir James Graham First Lord of the Admiralty Dover C P. Thomson Vice-President of the Board of Trade, andTreas. of the Navy Helleston Sir Samuel Pechell, Bart....Commissioner of theAdmiralty

Inverness-shire Right Hon. Charles Grant Presid. of the Board of Control

Knaresborough ( Rt. Hon. Henry Brougham .. (Created a Peer) 1 Sir James Mackintosh India Commissioner Liverpool ... .Right Hon. Wm. Huekisson . (Deceased) Northampton Lord Althorp Chancellor of the Exchequer

Norwich, Robert Grant Judge-Advocate-General

Nottingham Thomas Denman Attorney-General Oakhampton Hon. G. J. A. Ellis First Commissioner of the Woods and Forests Portsmouth F Baring Commissioner of the Treasury Preston* ...... ... ... Hon. E. G. S. Stanley Chief Secretary (Ireland) Southwark .. ..John It. Harris (Deceased) Tavistock ......... .. Lord Ebrington (who has elected to serve for Devonshire) 'Praise .1t. N. Smith Commissioner of the Treasury Yorkshire Rt. Hon. Henry Brougham ..(Created a Peer) Youghall Hon. George Ponsonby Commissioner of the Treasury • This writ has been since superseded, on its being announced to the House that Mr. Stanley Indust accepted the appointment.

PROGRESS OF PUBLIC BILLS BROUGHT IN.

Administration of Justice Bill-Read third time, and passed, Nov. 22. Charitable Institutions Bill-Second reading appointed for Dec. 7. Consolidated Fund Bill-Read first time, Nov. 25. Liability of Landlords Bill-Second reading appointed for Nov.30. Oaths in Parliament Bill-Committee appointed for Dec.6. Roman Catholic Bequests Bill-Second reading appointed for Nov.30. Sussex Juries Bill-Third reading appointed for Feb. 1.

ELECTION PETITIONS. IRELAND.

P. W. Russell Londonderry (City) John Hart { Adam Schoales Adam Crompton Richard Peppard Limerick (City) January 5.

January 5.

The orders for considering the following Petitions have been discharged, the Peti- tioners not having entered into the required recognizances.-Armagh,"John Estes and others ; Carlow, Francis Brown and others ; Cork, Herbert Baldwin and othersck ; Drogheda, James Colgan and others; Dublin (City), Henry Grattan; Limeri, Samuel Dickson; Louth, Inhabitants of Dundalk. Committees to consider the following Petitions have been appointed.-Dart- month, John Henry Seale, Esq. and Sir Henry Willoughby ; Caine, Edmund Efop Mason, Esq. and Edward Cheney, Esq.; Marlborough, Sir Alexander Malet and

John Morehouse, gin. • • - • -- • Bill to amend the laws relating to the Land Tar, so far as relates to the double assessment. Mr. Blount-After Christmas.

Church-Rates-Return of all Church-rates levied in England and Wales, for the year ending at Easter, 1830, and the particular purposes to which they have been applied, distinguishing between the sums expended in repairs, and those expended in salaries to the Clerks, Sextons, &c. Andalso a return setting forth the particular sources whence the other funds applied to the repair of the Churches have been de- rived, Mr. Wilks-December 9.

PETITIONS PRESENTED DURING THE WEER.

THE Carr acn.-Complaining of pluralities. Bev. Thomas Smith, of London. DANISH CLAIMANTs.-Directors of the Chamber of Manufactures and Corn. merce at Birmingham, complaining of losses consequent on the British attack ca Copenhagen in 1807. LABOURERS' WA GE S.-Against paying them by goods. Inhabitants of Wrex- ham.

METROPOLITAN Nitres ACT.-For the repeal thereof. Churchwardens, over- seers' and inhabitants of St. Clement Danes ; of St. George, Middlesex ; of All Saints, Poplar.

PARISH VESTRIES. For the reform thereof. Householders of St. Marylebone, PARLIAMENTARY REvoasi.-Inhabitants of Nottingham. SLAVER v.-Baptists, 16; Dissenters, 26 ; Independents, 18; Methodists, 39; Quakers,3 ; Scotch Church, 6; Unitarians, 1. Total from religious bodies, 109. Inhabitants of different places, 74.

TaxArrosr.-Coal Duties. Inhabitants of Wisbeach ; merchants and others of St. Nicholas, Dublin ; inhabitants of Brixliam ; ship-owners, merchants, and others of Bridlington and Bridlington Quay.

House and Window Duties.-Churchwardens, overseers, and inhabitants of St. Clement Danes ; householders and inhabitants of the town and borough of Monmouth.

Assessed Taxes.-Inhabitants of Horneastle.

The Civil List. For the abolition thereof. Inhabitants of Stockport. IRELAND.-Distress. Labourers of the town of Tipperary. Education.-Against any further grant to the Kildare Street Society. Roman

Catholic inhabitants of Newport Pratt.

Elective Franchise.-To place the Roman Catholic mercantile and trading classes upon an equal footing with Protestants. Inhabitants of Galway; of Barna ; of Protestant inhabitants of St. Nicholas, Galway ; of merchants, traders, and free- holders of Nuns Island ; and of inhabitants of Menlongh. Union.-For the repeal. Inhabitants of Ennis. Journeymen butchers of Dub. lin ; parishioners of the union of Ballyearmachron, Ballinakill and Kilross ; of Ardcath and Piercetown, of Ballyneal ; end of Tipperary ; mayor and corporation of Cork.

MEMBERS WHO HAVE OBTAINED LEAVE OF ABSENCE.

NOTICES OF NOTIONS AND ORDERS OF TEE DAY FOR T118 ENSUING WEEK. . .

TUESDAY. Notices of 3foolow-1. Mr. Wilks,—An Account of all Monies !Med and paid in the Metropolitan Police District for and in respect of the Nightly Watch for the year preceding the employment of the Metropolitan Police ;—Account.of Monies demanded from every Parish and Place since the employment of the Metro- politan Police ;—als.o, Return of any General Orders issued by the Secretary of Slate, or the Magistrates appointed under the Metropolis Police Act since 7th June, Isso, 2. Mr. Wilks,—To move that the Returns and Account rslating to the Metro- polis Police, presented 7th June, 1830, be reprinted. 3. Mr. Wolryche Whitmore, —To postpone the Ballot for the Committee on the Petition against the Return f.,r Hastings. 4. Mr. Hodgson (Newcastle-upon-Tyne),—Iteturn ty the Town Clerk of every City and Borough in England and Ireland returning Members to Parliament, wherein the Right of Election is solely or in part in the free Burgesses or Freemen at large ; of the number of perions entitled to the freedom of such City or Borough, by patrimony, marriage. or servitude, who have taken up their freedom in 'each of the four last years from the present time. Orders of the Day-1. Queenborough Election Petitions—Ballot for Committee at three. 2. Game Bill—Second read. leg. S. Liability of Landlords Bill—Second reading. 4. Consolidated Fund Bill— Second reading. 5. Colonial Trade Bill—Second reading. 6. Labouring Poor Bill —Second reading. 7. Colonial Acts Validity Bill—Second reading.

WEDNESDAY. Orders of the Day-1. Supply—Committee. 2. Ways and Means —Committee.

THURSDAY. Notices of 37otians-1. The Lord Advocate,—Bill to alter and amend the Laws regarding the taking of Infertments in heritable property in Scotland. 2. Sir James Mackintosh,—Petition of Claimants on the Danish Government for Se- questrations in 1807. 3. Mr. North.—Bill to extend to Protestants of the Esta- blished Church in Ireland the Provisions of the Irish Statute 19 and 20 Geo. III. c. 6, permitting Protestant Dissenters to hold office without receiving the Sacrament. Orders of the Day-1. Forfar Burghs Election Petition—Ballot for Committee at three. 2. Glasgow Burghs Election Petition—Ballot for Committee at half-past three. 3. Evesham Election Petition—Ballot for Committee at a quarter before four. 4. Borounlibridge Election Petition—Ballot for Committee at five minutes before four. .5. 'Saint hIawes Election Petitions—Ballot for Committee at four. FR/DAV. Notice of Motion—Sir George Murray,—Bill to render Slave Evidence admissible in the Colonies ;—also, Bill for the improvement of the West India Judi- cature.