inrtign nut Catmint.

EMU II4.—The Queen's stay in Prussia, has been prolonged, but it is stated that she will not bend her steps homewards until today. She has repeatedly visited Berlin, seeing its sights ; she has looked over the palaces of Charlottenburg and Sans Souci ; and has not failed to visit other places of mark. A large number of German nobles assembled at Berlin and Balselsberg. Everywhere her Majesty went, no matter what the weather, she was received with demonstrations of respect. Of course the Prince and Princess Frederick William are the constant companions of the Queen. Among the great personages who were at Bablesberg were the Grand Duke and Duchess of Baden.

On Tuesday the Queen reviewed the garrison of Potsdam. It is stated that she will embark at Antwerp on Monday.

The Bing of Prussia will return to his capital three days after the de- parture of Queen Victoria for England. The talk of the King's abdica- tion is again revived. A prince was born to the Imperial house of Austria on Saturday. The little fellow was baptized on the 23d, receiving the names Rudolph Francis Charles Joseph. He was at once made Proprietor and Colo- nel" of the 19th Regiment of the Line.

fraurr.—The Emperor and Empress are again at St. Cloud. The last point in their Breton tour was Rennes. Here the Emperor was met by"800 priests and 100,000 people," and here, at a banquet in the even- mg, he made the following speech. "Gentlemen—My sympathies as well as my duty have led me to Brit- tany. It was my duty to acquaint myself with a part of France which I had not yet visited ; my sympathies attracted me towards the Breton people, which is, above all monarchical, Catholic, and military. "The departments of the west have often been represented as animated by sentiments differing from those of the rest of the nation. The warm greetings which have welcomed the Empress and myself during the whole of our Journey contradict such an assertion. If France is not completely homogeneous in her nature, she is unanimous in her sentiments. She de- sires a government stable enough to remove all chances of future revolu- tions; enlightened enough to favour real progress and the development of the human faculties ; just enough to draw towards it all honest men, what- ever may be their political antecedents ; conscientious enough to declare that it resolutely protects the Catholic religion, at the same time that it admits liberty of worship ; in short a government strong enough, by its internal union, to be respected as it ought in the Councils of Europe. And it is because I, the elect of the nation, represent these ideas, that I have everywhere seen the people hasten to meet me and encourage me by their

demonstrations. Believe, gentlemen, that the remembrance of our journey in Brittany will remain deeply graven on the hearts of the Empress and my- self. We shall not forget the touching solicitude for the Imperial Prince which we have met with both in the towns and in the country districts, the people everywhere taking an interest in our son, as the pledge of their fu- ture.

" I thank you, gentlemen, for having arranged this meeting, which has enabled me to express my thoughts to you, and I conclude by proposing a toast to Brittany, so honorably represented here.

" That her agriculture may be rapidly developed, her internal communi- cation perfected, and her ports improved, that her agriculture and commerce may prosper, and that the arts and sciences may flourish in her, my aid shall not be wanting ; but while quickening her march along the path of civilization, let her preserve intact the tradition of the noble sentiments which have distinguished her for centuries. Let her keep that simplicity of manners, that proverbial frankness, that fidelity to oaths that per- severance in duty, that submission to the will of God who watches s over the humblest domestic hearth as over the loftiest destinies of empires !

" Such are my wishes ; be you' gentlemen, their worthy interpreters."

On Saturday morning, he left Rennes betimes and arrived at St. Cloud late in the evening. When they leave that abode, the Empress will go to Biarritz, and the Emperor to the camp at Chalons.

The Council-General of the Loire opened on Monday, at St. Etienne, Count de Persigny in the chair. The Count seized this occasion to speak on the empire and its relations to Europe and to England. He began by thanking them for their expressions of sympathy. He was the more pleased because all who knew him, were aware that twenty years ago, fresh from his school-bench, he was one of the first Frenchmen who went into exile and saluted the nephew of the Emperor with the title of Emperor of the French. At that time, the Duke of Reichstadt was dead, and to the public it seemed as if the Napoleon dynasty had passed away. But there were still men who dreamed of a return to the traditions of the great Emperor. "France, said they, is monarchical, by her history, her traditions, her manners, her spirit, her whole character, and she can only be a monarchy. Let her try the republic ten times and twenty times— ten times and twenty times she would fail in the unnatural essay. The question is not, then, monarchy or republic 1' but what monarchy ? ' what dynasty ? ' " The House of Bourbon did not represent the new society. It could not count on the love of the people. It was thence- forward as powerless to reign over the people as were the Stuarts in old times remaining Catholics on the throne of a Protestant nation. What tradition could speak to the masses like that of Napoleon ? Well, the prophecy of that day is accomplished in this. A name, a symbol, aided by great faculties, has triumphed ; and calm is reestablished. But the enemies of the imperial Government accuse it of at- tempting to establish a Cmsarian dictatorship like that founded by Augustus. The cases are unlike. "The Government of Na- poleon III. is organized in accordance with the principles and ideas of the Revolution of 1789—popular suffrage, the free vote of the taxes, and the irremovability of the Judges are the fundamental bases of the imperial system. It is true that the liberty of the press—a modern institution—which either vivifies or kills all other liberties, is very ma- terially modified by the system of warnings. But this reserve in our institutions is evidently but an act of prudence—a safety-valve in a steam-engine." All dynasties require the consecration of time. Until there are no longer in France factions—a Legitimist, an Orleanist, a Bonapartist, a Republican nation—let the safety-valve be maintained. When there is only one nation under the throne of the Napoleons, the French revolution will have terminated. After enlarging on the folly as well as the criminality of political assassinations, and showing that th.ey do not effect the object sought, Count de Persigny turned from the in- ternal to the external relations of France.

"Long habituated to dread the least movement of France, in turn revo- lutionary and conquering, Europe at first did not view without inquietude the reestablishment upon the throne of France of the family proscribed by the treaties of 1815. But whatever may have been the true sentiments of the great Powers at the moment of the acknowledgment of the empire, it is certain that all congratulate themselves now upon seeing in France a strong, powerful, respected, and wise government, which, after a glorious war, has been able to make an equally glorious peace. And we may say today that never, since 1815, have the relations of France with Europe been at once so honourable and friendly. Nevertheless, a cloud which might have proved dangerous, lately obscured our relations with a country whose alliance with ourselves had been so happily cemented end so fruitful, and it has required nothing less than the wisdom and reciprocal friendship of the two Sovereigns to prevent a coolness between the two Powers. Happily, as the Emperor said at Cherbourg, if it was wished to revive the rancours and passions of another epoch, the attempt would be defeated by the good sense of the pub- lic. In fact, messieurs, the interests of the two peoples are now so closely interwoven that it would be difficult for even the most furious passions to bring to pass an entire rupture. Such is the solidarity of interests, that if tomorrow London or Paris were burnt, we should each suffer immense com- mercial losses ; and while a catastrophe falling upon Berlin, Vienna, or St. Petersburg would excite only our sentiments of pity, were it London we should be wounded in our interests almost as seriously as at Paris itself. Now, when two peoples have arrived at this point, they are evidently des- tined to draw together more closely every day their present union. (" Tres bien ! tree bien !")

"Let us first consider the interest to France of the English alliance. With England we arc masters of the seas, and consequently have nothing to fear upon our frontiers. No coalition against us is possible ; general peace is assured. Our country can give itself up to all the developments of its activity without any preoccupation, and complete the work of establish- ing its institutions without incurring any risk. Elsewhere, we have no materal rivalry with England, since she has opened to our commerce as to her own the access to her immense colonies; it is not her fault if, continu- ing our system of production at high prices, we do not know how to profit by it. As to England, her interest in the French alliance is, perhaps, even more manifest. She succeeded in 1814 and 1815 in conquering the mari- time and colonial supremacy which was the object of her desires, and to

which she was in some measure destined both •by her insular position and the genius of her inhabitants. England enjoys this supremacy beyond all

dispute to this day ; and she says to herself that if she were again to have a struggle with France—supposing (which God forbid !) that the fate of battles should inflict new disasters upon us—she would gain no other result than the maintenance of what she has already, namely, maritime and colonial supremacy, and, consemiently, she would have much to lose and little to gam in a struggle with France. By a complete change in views

and interests, England has now arrived at this—that as much as forty years ago she was hostile to France so much now is she friendly to her; and so great is the present dispositions of the English not to separate their interest from ours, that on two most grave occasions—in determining firet to make war with us, and then to make peace—they, perhaps, even rather took our position into consideration than their own-. " How then, such being the reciprocal disposition of the two nations, are we to account for what followed the event of January 14 ? By the com- monest of all explanations—by a Belies of misunderstandings. which. aroze on both sides of the Channel. Already, since the peace, public opinion in England had taken umbrage at some diplomatic incidents, but at the news of the attempt of the 14tb, England was unanimous in stigmatizing the odious crime. At that period the true English public—that pubhe which, in reality, directs and governs the State—which is accustomed to see order proceed from the greatest agitations, to disdain all the excesses of the press, to take no heed of any of the exaggerations of liberty—the English puMic, I say, knew nothing either of the previous attempts organized iiiE' ngland against the Emperor, nor of the doctrines professed by a portion of the re- fugees ; it was, in all sincerity, as ignorant of those infamies as it was innocent of them. It was, then, with the most painful astonishment that it believed (very mistakenly to be sure) it could see in the ad- dresses which were spoken at Paris a disposition on the part of France to render England responsible for the attempt of the 14th, and to hold her in suspicion. From that moment, public opinion in England, unanimous in stigmatizing assassination, suddenly checked the demon- strations which were being made in every part of the country. Then, when the change in the regime of passports, good or bad, but so unjustly represented as an act of defiance against the English themselves— and the addresses from the army especially, which wrought the irritation to the highest pitch—came, then that happened which always does happen in a free country when the national sentiment is in play., the popular passions knew no bounds, and the political situation was subject to these passions. So, while we thought that we had to complain of the disposition of our allies towards us, the English.people, on its side, thinking itself deeply wounded by France, no longer obeyed any sentiment but that of its irritation. This irritation naturally provoked in France a similar feeling, equally strong, and which would, perhaps, have been dangerous without the lofty intelli- gence and the spirit of justice of the Emperor, to appreciate the true cause of the attitude of our neighbours. But, messieurs, whatever may have been the nature of these deplorable misunderstandings, and of which it is at least easy to prevent the return, the situation ef the two peoples has under- gone no change. That which undeniably remains is that the new instincts of England carry her as naturally to a union with France as formerly they promoted a separation ; that ours follow a similar direction ; that in spite of the misunderstandings and the little reciprocal distrusts, and in spite of the intrigues of the parties which take advantage of them, the great English public sincerely desire the friendship of the Emperor and*of France—that, in fact, there is really no interest, no serious question between the two countries upon which the simplest good sense cannot put the two Govern- ments in accord ; and thus that it only depends upon us to maintain an alliance which is so advantageous to both." (General signs of adhesion.) The lion Pear has announced that the convention signed by the con- ference at Paris will not be published for more than a month, that is until it is ratified. Nevertheless what purports to be the substance of the arrangement conic to has leaked out in the Constitutionnel, while a Paris correspondent of the Russian organ le Xorrl, gives the divisions on the main questions. The article in the Constitutionnel is as follows.

"The fundamental principle of the union, as it was understood by France, has not, we believe, prevailed. This was a result easy to forsee, because the disposition of the majority of the powers and the change of opinion which had taken place on this point were well known. But, al- though the Emperor's government has not obtained that which it desired, and that which it is still convinced would have been the best basis for the new order of things, namely, a complete union, it would appear that what has been done is a step towards such an union, and moreover that the new settlement sanctions and realises the union in very many particulars. If we are rightfully informed, the two Principalities will he endowed with political institutiohs entirely identical. For example, equality in the eye of the law, equality as regards taxation, individual liberty, respect for property with all its guarantees, the abolition of privileges of caste, and admissibility to all offices will be found assured to both provinces in identi- cal tenus. A sort of council of state, permanent and common to both coun- tries, will be invested with considerable powers, particularly in all that re- lates to the preparation of new laws. This single council will be chosen in a manner provided for in the convention, by the hospodars and assemblies of the two countries. A high Court of Justice and Cessation, the members of which will be irremovable, will be an institution common to both the Principalities. With regard to the elective assemblies, each province will retain its own, to be elected, not by universal suffrage, but by a consti- tuency with a defined qualification. These assemblies will, we are told, play a very important part in the working of the government. For example, these chambers will elect the hospodars, who have heretofore been appointed by the Sublime Porte. The hospodars will be chosen di- rectly by the assembly of each province, subject to certain condition of eligi- bility laid down in the convention. The Sublime Porte, which, it must be admitted, has very heartily lent itself to the work of the conference, will merely give an investiture to the hospodars. It is plain that assemblies possessing such powers as we have described will be very important bodies. No act of the hospodars will be executory unless countersigned by a minister. Precise and severe provisions define the responsibility of ministers to the Legislative Chambers, which within the sphere of their powers will exercise the most effiacious check upon the Government. One of the most delicate and difficult questions to be disposed of in these pro- vinces, where some traces of feudality yet remain was that of the abolition of corejes, and the various relations which subsist between proprietor and peasant ; these difficulties have not been passed over in silence by the con- ference, which, in a wise spirit of conciliation, has provided for the re- laxation of feudal ties and the amelioration of the present state of things. The convention of August 19 applies, as we see, the fundamental principles of 1789. We are assured that some parties think the work of the conference has conceded a very great deal indeed to ideas of liberty, and that in particular too much power is given to the Legislative Assemblies. We are of opinion, on the contrary, that the contracting powers have taken a wise view of the situation in all its bearings. In a country which has been so long delivered over to administrative abuses of all sorts; and in which these abuses are not the exception but the rule, it is quite right a very stringent power of control should be placed in the hands of these assemblies; it is there that the conference has endeavoured to find a remedy sufficiently strong to combat the evil. The Principalities will doubtless appreciate what the_powers have done for them, and will worthily respond to theconfidence of Europe ; they will receive with satisfaction the guarantees for liberty brought to them by the new settlement, and its so favourable tendencies 'towards the ends they desire." These are the revelations published iii the 11-ord.

"Almost all the decisions of the conference were concluded by a verbal accord, but when the differences of opinion were too decided, Count Wrdewsld put the proposition in discussion to the vote. This occurred four

times-1. On the question of the Central Committee, when Austria and" the Porte were in the minority against France, Russia, England, Prussia. and Sardinia. 2. On the question of the electoral law, when Austria; Russia, Prussia, and Turkey formed the majority on the subject of the con- ditions of the property qualifications for a voter, and the eligibility. a. on the classification of voters ; this question, which involved the restriction of electoral liberty, was warmly discussed, and energetically opposed by Count Walewski, but the question was carried by the majority comp.oaed Russia, Austria, Prussia, and Turkey, 4. The same majority against the opinion of France, England, and Sardinia, decided on substituting the words 'Elective Assemblies' for 'Representative Assemblies.'"

St .—The following singular document comes from Turin. It pur. ports to be an authentic statement of the views of the King of Naples, substantially if not verbally exact ; and is given as a curiosity and for what it may be worth.

"It is necessary to yield to England in all that flatters the pride and egotism of that nation. That satisfies her Government. As for anything else, it is the English Government itself that will help us to resist preten- sions which might be our ruin. The Anglo-French alliance, as it at pre. sent exists, is a great balancing machine—that is our guarantee. An inti- mate understanding between France and England would be fatal to us ; but I shall fear that only upon the day when England shall put down her fleets, and France decree the demolition of Cherbourg. On the other hand, war between France and Englund would be chaos. We ought not to dense it. Nor do I think it possible, (added the King smiling,) under the reign of Alexander the Reformer, and almost the disciple of Cobden. These are my views. I wish you to conform your acts to them, and Ism convinced that we shall have nothing to fear either from the _Mysteries of Paris or from the Old and New Hopes of Italy." By these last words, it is added, the King alluded to the titles of works by Messrs. Balbo and Tomasem r fli.—The Marseilles telegraph reports that intelligence from Con- stantinople of the 18th instant, announces a Ministerial modification. Othman Rudchi Pacha, Minister at War during the operations in the Crimea, is to be in the Cabinet without a portfolio. Rim- Pacha is to unite to his functions as Minister at War the direction of the Artillery. The replacement of the Grand Vizier is in agitation. The Ministers have fully submitted to the Sultan the state of the finances, and his Imperial Majesty has blamed them for not having sooner informed him on the subject.

The Turkish Government has remonstrated with the English Govern- ment on the hasty bombardment of Jeddah.

0111 a .—On Saturday, the Moniteur announced that peace had been concluded with China. The news came from the Duke of Montebello, French Ambassador at St. Petersburg. It is dated August 20th, and is as follows-

' A courier who left Tien-Tsin on the 27th of June, and travelled over- land, has brought to Prince Gortschakoff the intelligence that a treaty has been concluded between China and Russia similar in its general bases to those which have been concluded between China and the other Powers. The ports are opened, the free exercise of the Christian religion is con- ceded, the establishment of consuls admitted, as well as the reception of diplomatic agents in Pekin, if necessary.

" Englarld and France have, moreover, obtained a considerable pecuniary indemnity." [Another report fixes the indemnity at 30.000,000 franca.]

&finial new Ministry has been formed by Mr. Cartier. Upon the resignation of Mr. Brown, the Governor-General sent for Mr. Galt, but he briefly declined to undertake the responsible duty of forming a Cabinet. Mr. Cartier was then sent for. He at once consented to per- form the task, provided he might have the assistance of Mr. John Mac- donald, a condition to which the Governor made no objection. Mr. Cartier then speedily constructed a cabinet of the following persons—. Lower Canada—Attorney-General, Canter; Public Works, Sicotte ; Speaker Legislative Council, Belleau; Provincial Secretary, Alleyn; In- spector-General, Galt; Solicitor-General, Rose. Upper Canada—Attorney-General, J. A. M`Donald ; President of Coun- cil, John Ross ; Postmaster-General, Sidney Smith; Receiver-General, Sherwood; Crown Lands, Vankoughnet.

With regard to the views of the Cartier Ministry they are in the main those of the Macdonald Government. Mr. Cartier said— , " The operation of the new tariff will be closely watched, and readjusted from time to time, with a view to maintain the public revenue, to uphold the provincial credit, and incidentally to encourage native industry and do- mestic manufactures. In such readjustment the placing of the tariff on the ad valorem principle' will be kept steadily in view. The late Government felt themselves bound to carry out the law of the land respecting the seat of Government; but, in the face of the recent vote on that subject, the Ad- ministration do not consider themselves warranted in incurring an expendi- ture for public buildings until Parliament has an opportunity of considermg the whole question in all its bearings. The expediency of a Federal Union of the British North American Provinces will be anxiously considered, and communication with the Horde Government and the Lower Provinces entered into forthwith on the subject. The result of this communication will be submitted to Parliament at its next session. The Government will, during the recess, examine into the organization and working of the public departments, and will carry out such administrative reforms as will be con- ducive to economy end efficiency."

Sir Edumund Head, the Governor-Generai, has issued a memorandum explaining why he thought it not expedient to dissolve the Parliament.