THE KIRK IN ITS CANTRIPS.

" F:rst cantrip, sync :wither, tint his wasn't a'the4nher."—ItunNs.

Tres Church of Scotland seems resolved on self-destruction. Its attitude at the present moment, in direct hostility to the civil juris- dictions of the nation, must fill the friends of Establishments with alarm, and afford to Voluntaries an equal measure of delight. Our readers are, or may be, aware from the news of the day, that about a week since, the Court of Session granted an interdict to prevent the suspension of " the seven ministers" by the Assembly Com- mission, and thus at once checkmated the Church in the wild and tyrannical gams: which it has latterly been playing. The same civil court has likewise, on two other occasions lately, interposed to shelter individuals from the oppressions of the Veto Act ; and in short, the Kirk is at last as neatly snubbed as any foe could possibly wish to see it. But the matter will not end in this little bit of vexing humilia- tion. It has been asked, is the Church mad in attempting these extraordinary pranks? is it not aware of the conditions on which it enjoys the countenance of the State, and its endowments Frain the lands of the country ?—The truth is, the Church of Scotland is only working out certain principles in its constitution, which, from circumstances formerly alluded to, have been in abeyance for upwards of a century. The chief' of these principles is the assump- tion of an authority over the body politic, altogether independent of the State. There is nothing new in this principle. The struggle between the Presbyterian Church of Scotland and the STUARTS, during the greater part of the seventeenth century, was not maintained by the Church for the sake of mere toleration. No such thing : it was a struggle which should be ypermost—a civil or an ecclesiastical government—a government by the King and the Estates, or a Theocracy, that is, a government by clergy. In the sympathy excited for the sufferings of the Presbyterians during the reigns of the CIIARLESES, it has been forgotten that the suffering party had all the good-will to persecute to the same extent if they

had only had the good fortune to be uppermost. In those miser-

able times, toleration was little if at all understood.. Over the whole' Christendom, the rule was for the stronger to thrash the weaker ; and as the Preabyterians were the weaker for the time being, they were thrashed accordingly. In this, reason it as we will, lies the philosophy of the civil and religious broils which oc- curred in Scotland during the seventeenth century.

Tempered and restrained by a variety of circumstances, the Presbyterian Kirk, as settled at the Revolution, has not been able

to show any very imposing symptoms of its former arrogant charac- ter till within the-last few years ; but these have at length fairly made themselves manifest. The Kirk stands forth avowedly as

but a reflex of itself in 1039, when its priesthood set themselves above the civil institutions. Everybody imagined that the great constitutional questions of Church and State had been set at rest by the Revolution settlement ; but a perusal of the lately.

delivered harangues of the ecclesiastical demagogues in the North, makes it tolerably evident that such a notion was pre-

mature. The old cry of theocratic independence is once more raised; and the General Assembly, resuming its wonted functions of a kind of Parliament, thunders forth its edicts with all the confi-

dence of the Vatican. Such, then, is the true cause of those mad- looking pranks which the Kirk has lately been indulging in. The disease is constitutional, and is only seen corning to the surface in consequence of certain exciting causes.

It would be weak to suppose that this remarkable outbreak should be healed without some very severe kind of treatment. The question of independence or submission having been mooted, must be discussed and settled, even although it should bring down the Establishment. The very stubbornness of the haughty Presbyters, fortified by a band of wild fanatics, will force on the catastrophe. Never, indeed, was there a worse time (for the Church) for bringing forward so grave an inquiry. Men's minds are now in a very differ-

ent temper from what they were in when they allowed established

churches to domineer over them. Besides, within the last few years, the great principle has been very widely recognized, that Christianity is impeded in its blessed influences by the fetters of state eon- flexion ; and large and influential bodies of men have set them- selves to the task of unremitting exertion till these galling bonds be broken. The very curious, but quite rational question, has to be asked—what constitutes an infraction of the bargain made between the State and the Church ? For example, the Church of Scotland has got endowments and certain privileges : now,

what has it got these for ? Is it at liberty to do what it

pleases with its privileges, or to turn itself into something which the terms of its settlement do not recognize ? Can

it continue receiving the endowments and yet refuse obedience to the law ? Its constitution of Presbyteries and General Assem-

blies being recognized as valid, can it take upon itself to in-

troduce quite a new set of members into these courts, and yet not alter their legal constitution ? It appears to us that the Church has already broken the bargain on which it became an establishment. Iu one respect, the Church of Scotland is no longer the Church of Scotland. It is something else ; an

anomalous institution, composed of persons qualified and unquali- fied in terms of law; and hence, a thing with which the State can have no proper connexion. People talk of what may he the deci- sions of the next General Assembly. As well speak of a Conven-

tion meeting at Westminster. In the present condition of affairs, there can be no General Assembly such as the law has hitherto

recognized. By an active-minded and inflexible Government, the now mongrel General Assembly would be instantly compelled to give an account of itself, and be either resolved into its proper legal elements, or altogether set aside. But, it is to be feared, we have

not a Government possessing the firmness to parley in this matter with the recusant Church. Instead of insisting upon an abolition of the Parish-creation and Veto Acts, our precious Ministry have actually granted some thousands of pounds of the public money to furnish this said rebellious institution with a splendid new hall of

assembly. Think of the absurdity and profligacy of such a piece of expenditure ! A Church which has already increased its annual

court of delegates by a hundred unqualified members, and threatens to go on incorporating hundreds more, is positively about to be furnished with a new edifice for meetings demonstrably incon-

sistent with the tenure on which the Establishment exists. If those who espouse the doctrine of civil and religious freedom in its broadest sense, do not make themselves heard on this important matter, they may be justifiably accused of a wonderful indifference to their cause.

There is still another, and that not the least profitable aspect in which this interesting struggle of Church and State may be viewed.

The puffed-up self-sufficiency of the Scotch Presbyters is a simple result of that religious phrensy which has been stirred into activity within the last few years in all parts of Britain. Let the Church

of England with its fanatical Bishop of EXETER,. let the Tories with the insincere or insane cry of "No Popery !" look to this. They have, betwixt them, fomented religious discord, and raised a demon which it may exceed their power to quell. Thereis little else than a single step from " No Popery" to " N o Church ; " and we all know how fearfully that knell was rung through England in 1649, and with what a catastrophe it terminated.

On the progress and probable results of the religious insanity which the Church party has latterly been endeavouring to cults- sate, we shall take a future opportunity of saying a few words.