POSTSCRIPT.

SATURDAY.

All the interest of the proceedings in Parliament last night was con- centrated on the expected statement of his public policy by the new Pre- mier. The attendance of Peers, Prelates, Members of the House of Commons, and distinguished strangers British and foreign was very great.

The Earl of DERBY prefaced his statement with a tribute, ample, exu- berent, and richly varied, to the public and private worth of the Marquis of Lansdowne- . . . a statesman to whom from his earliest boyhood he has been accus- tomed to look up with hereditary respect and admiration; for whom as his advancing years have rolled on those feelings have ripened into sincere per- sonal respect and friendship;- and of whom he is happy to say that "neither on his part nor on mine have the circumstances which separated our political connexion deadened or impaired in the slightest degree our private friend- ship."

Lord Derby then stated, that though the resignation of the late Ministry was thought not far distant, yet he for one so little expected the event at the end of last week, that he had actually gone down to the country for the purpose of spending three or four days. On the Saturday, he re- ceived the surprising intelligence of the result of the division on the previous night, and of the resignation; the same evening he received the command of her Majesty that he should wait on her, and her commission to undertake the formation of a new Ministry. He portrayed to the House "the overwhelming difficulties of the situation in which he was placed, and the awful responsibility of the task which he felt he must be called on to perform." He stated his ultimate resolution, however great those difficulties, to undertake the task ; and he added, that he was able on the day after he received the Queen's command, to lay before her Majesty an outline, and in the course of the four subsequent days to submit a complete list of the friends who are to form his Administration. He then proceeded to explain, " frankly, freely, and without reserve," the course of policy which he will deem it his imperative duty to follow.

Our foreign relations were taken first. With elaborateness he set forth his earnest desire to maintain the blessings of universal peace; disavowed on the one hand the opinion that peace is best preserved by displays of large military and naval operations, and the Utopian notion that we shall disarm the world by throwing down all our own defences ; expanded his notions of our duty to follow towards all other powers a calm temperate, deliberate, con- ciliatory course, generosity in offering endless and unvituperative dignity in

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asking it; and n particular disetaimuig the right to interfere in reference to the internal form of government which other nations may choose for them- selves. "I hold, my Lords, that we have no right as a nation to entertain particular prejudices or particular sympathies for this or that course of govern- ment which other countries may think fit to adopt, be those courses or forms of government absolute despotism, limited monarchy, or constitutional republic. Be it an absolute Red Republic, that which is the choice of any nation as regards its internal government, that, I say, is the choice which a British statesman is bound to recognize." Acting on these principles, he hopes and trusts that the preservation of peace and the good understanding between nations may and will long continuo : yet with that conviction, it is the duty of Government to put the country in a position of entire safety from hostile aggression. " My Lords, I believe that our naval forces never were in a better or more effective condition than they are at this moment. I believe that for all purposes which regard either the security of our own shores the defence of the numerous and distant colonies which form our empire, and the protec- tion of that extensive commerce which crosses every sea and fills every port in the wide world—I believe that for all such purposes our Navy was never in a more effective state than it is now. Our regular Army is also, I am happy to inform your Lordships, in a state of perfect efficiency, so far as its num- bers are concerned. I repeat the words—' so far as its numbers are con- cerned,' for as to the duties which it has to perform, there is no army in the world on which so heavy a load of military duty falls My Lords, I re- joice to think that for the maintenance of the tranquillity of England no military force, regular or irregular, is likely to be called for." But if the

people are not a disciplined and organized force, they will meet any attempt of foreign aggression under fearful disadvantages. It is right, in time of peace, and when we are not pressed by apprehensions, to take the necessary measures for the organization of an old constitutional force, that we may meet danger in some sort of military array and discipline. The subject of armaments naturally introduced a reference to the foreign refugees over whom we hold the shield of our protection. They must not

abuse that protection, nor compromise us by organizing here against their own country measures which they know are in violation of the English laws. "I say, further, that it is not only the right but the duty of Govern- ment, without descending to a system—I must use a French word for it, for, thank God, we have not an English one which expresses it—of espionage, or surveillance, which is averse to all the feelings of the country,—it is, I say, our duty as a Government to keep guard over the conduct of such persons as are disposed to abuse our hospitality ; and, if the knowledge of any plan hostile to the Government of their native land comes to the knowledge of her Majesty's Government, it is our duty to put the foreign Government so menaced in possession of the facts, and thus place it on its guard against such machinations. Further than that I do not think it is right nor in the power of the Government of this country to go." Having stated his foreign policy, he proceeded to disclose, without reserve' his financial and commercial policy. Recurring to the measures introduced, with his warm and cordial approval, by Sir Robert Peel in 1842, for revising our Customs-duties, he declared the principle of those measures to be, the freest admission of raw materials, but the imposition of duties principally and avowedly on those articles which enter into competition with the pro- duce of our own soil and industry. That is also the principle of the Ame- rican tariff. But we have proceeded recently on a different principle, ad- mitting competition, and "loading with an inordinate amount a certain small number of articles of immense and extensive consumption, and coming directly into the necessary consumption of the mass of the community." "Between those two systems it appears to me, my Lords, that the Ameri- can system is the most easily to be defended on principle, and is the least burdensome to the country in practice. At the same time, I do not shrink from expressing again that which I have expressed often on former occasions, nor from repeating in office what I have often stated out of office—that, in my individual opinion, I can see no grounds why, from the general system of imposing duties on foreign imports, the single article of corn should be a solitary exception. I state this, my Lords, as my opinion ; but I think this to be a question which can only be satisfactorily solved by reference to the well-understood and clearly expressed opinion of the intelligent portion of the community. Any possibility, any idea of dealing with a system so vast and extensive as the financial policy of this country, involving in its wide range not only the whole of the Customs-duties, but also all the incidents and pressure of domestic and local taxation—any scheme, I say, so large and extensive, requires to be dealt with by a Government strong not only in the confidence of the country, but also in the confidence of Parliament, and capable of carrying its measures with a degree of care and foresight, and deliberation, which no one can afford sud- denly at the commencement of a Parliamentary session. I know, my Lords, the position in which I stand. I know, my Lords, that in the other House of Parliament my colleagues and I are in an ,undoubted minority. I do not know whether we can command a majority even here, in this House_, which I now have the honour of addressing. But the same motives which induced me to sacrifice all other considerations to avoid the responsibility of leaving the Sovereign and the country at this time without an Ad- ministration, induce me to think that the public interest would not be con- sulted by any interruption for a considerable period of the sitting of the other House of Parliament at this period of the year and in the present cir- cumstances of the world. While, my Lords, I am aware that, with the view of carrying out the policy which I consider to be advantageous to the inte- rests of the country, I should state frankly and without reserve say own opinions—while I make this confession, I must also confess that, situated as we are, we have a much humbler, but at the same time a more useful part to perform. I avow, my Lords, again, that we cannot depend on a ma- jority in the other House of Parliament; and I avow that, in the face of this conviction, I have not declined the responsibility which has been thrown upon me. I know that, in conducting the affairs of the country, we shall have to appeal to the forbearance of our opponents, and likewise to thein - dulgence of our friends. But, my Lords, I have that confidence in the good sense, judgment, and patriotism of the other House, which induces me to believe that it will not unnecessarily introduce subjects of a controversial and party character for the mere purpose of interrupting the course of sound and useful legislation, and of driving the Government out of that moderate and temperate course which it has prescribed to itself. I think, my Lords, that, without dealing with such .subjects, we have subjects enough of a useful social character fully to occupy our time, and even that of the other

House of Parliament. If, avoiding all unnecessary party measures, we apply ourselves to those great measures which the country has so long been ex- pecting,—measures of legal reform for improving and simplifying the admi- nistration of law and justice, and measures of social reform for improving the condition and comforts of the people,—I believe that, even with a minority in the House of Commons, we shall not be uselessly or dishonourably conducting the affairs of the country ; and I am confident that if we are interrupted by a merely factious opposition, that factiousness will at no distant period recoil on the authors and promoters of it." Among these measures he did not include a measure to which the late Government called the attention of Parliament—comprising a miscellaneous collection of topics, but comprising among its leading features a large and extensive alteration in our electoral system. Briefly premising, in reference to the two cognate bills to disfranchise Harwich and facilitate the discovery and correction of corrupt practices, that no one will go further in checking the gross and disgraceful system of bribery which he fears has increased considerably in the last twenty years—and which in the intensity of e evils it has produced has thrown into the shade the evils which previously existed in the local influences by which constituencies were controlled— be spoke as follows on electoral reform generally.

"My Lords, I do not pretend even for a moment to affirm that the system of representation introduced in 1831 was a perfect system and incapable of improvement. I think that there may have arisen—and that there have naturally arisen—in the course of time abuses requiring control, and even demanding a remedy. But, my Lords, before you seek to apply a remedy, and at all events before you pledge yourselves to an indefinite plan for un- settling all that is, and of settling nothing, be quite sure that you know the consequences of the course which you are about to pursue. Be satisfied of the existence of the evils which you are called upon to meet. Be satisfied that the remedies which you propose to apply will meet and not aggravate those evils. Even if I were speaking not before you, my Lords, but before the Members of the other House of Parliament, I should entreat them, and through them I should entreat the country, seriously to consider the incal- culable dangers which such a measure would cause, not only to the Monarchy but also to the true liberty of England, by unsettling, time aftertime, every- thing which had been settled, and by settling nothing—by dissatisfying the country with that which is, without remedying that dissatisfaction by that which was to follow as its substitute. My Lords, I need scarcely state, on the part of her Majesty's Government, that we do not propose to proceed with the measure of Parliamentary Reform introduced recently by our predeces- sors in office. But, on the other hand, if you will show to us, or prove to us, the existence of any substantial grievance, no men will be more ready than my colleagues and myself to endeavour to meet those grievances, if we can see that a remedy can be effectively applied to them without involving future danger to the safety of the constitution and the internal peace of the country." Education, which Lord John Russell, on some grounds which Lord Derby cannot divine proposed to combine with the plan of an extensive electoral reform, was briefly handled from the speaker's well-known point of view,— " the culture of the mind and soul, laying the foundation of all knowledge on the basis of Scripture and Evangelical truth." For its promotion, he relies with confidence "on the enlightened and disinterested exertions of the parochial clergy of the United Church of England and Ireland." To uphold that Church, as the depository of religious truth, and as an instrument of incalculable value in diffusing good both here and hereafter—to uphold its influence and maintain its power—is not only the interest but also the moral duty of Government ; to uphold and maintain it in its integrity, not by penal enactments directed against those who may differ from her communion—not by virulent invective or by abusive language against the religious faith of those whose errors we may deplore, but to whose conscience we have no right to dictate—but by steadfastly resisting all attempts at aggression upon the rights, the privi- leges, the possessions of that Church, come from what quarter and backed by what weight of authority they may, and by lending every power of the Government to support and extend the influence of that Church, in its high and holy calling of diffusing throughout the length and breadth of the United Empire—for I speak not of this country alone—that knowledge which is only derived from the diffusion of the Holy Scriptures." • Such are the principles on which Lord Derby proposes to conduct the ad- ministration of the Government. "When I look to the difficulties which sur- round us—when I look to the circumstances which must combine to give us a chance of successfully encountering the obstacles which beset our path—I confess I am myself appalled by the magnitude of the difficulties which we have to meet. But I believe and I know, that the destinies of nations are in the hands of an overruling Providence; I know that it often is the plea- sure of that great Being to work His own objects by weak and unworthy means. In His presence I can solemnly aver that no motive of personal am- bition has led me to aspire to the dangerous eminence on which the favour of my Sovereign has placed me. In the course of the discharge of its dunce, no consideration shall sway me except that which led me to accept it—the paramount consideration of public duty. With that feeling on my mind, with the deep conviction of the sincerity of my own motives, and trusting to the guidance and the blessing of a higher Power than my own, I venture to undertake a task from which I might well have shrunk appalled by its magnitude ; and, be the period of my administration longer or shorter, not only shall I have attained the highest object of personal ambition, but I shall have fulfilled one of the highest ends of human being, if in the course of it I can have in the slightest degree advanced the great objects of peace on earth, good-will among men '—the social, the moral, the religious improve- ment of my country —and if I can contribute to the safety, the honour, and the welfare of our Sovereign and her dominions.'" (Universal cheer- ing.) It was evidently the general expectation that Lord Derby's explanation would be the only feature of the proceedings. But Earl GREY felt it ne- cessary to controvert the argumentative portions of the commercial state- ment, and to extract some more distinct pledge that Free-trade should not be attacked. He assumed that Lord Derby had promised a reimposi- tion of the tax on food. The Earl of DERBY corrected him explicitly : he had said that he has no intention to propose legislation "till the pub- lic opinion has been decidedly and emphatically expressed." Earl GREY professed to be "relieved by the explanation" but he persisted in his assumption ; and was again set right, with rebuke for his misrepresenta- tion. He went on, and finished his speech with a demand for more ex- plicit explanations at a future time. Earl Frrzevuxiam condemned the tone of Lord Grey, after the ample, frank, and honourable explanations of Lord Derby. The Marquis of DLANRICARDE defended Lord Grey. The Earl of ABERDEEN with an impressive tribute to the memory of the late Sir Robert Peel, declared, evidently for his party as well as on his own part, that whether it be for revenue or for protection, he deems impos- sible, and will oppose, the imposition of duties on the provisions of the PeoPle• Lord Ihtoonnam touched on the points of legal reform and social re- form, in a manner that elicited from Lord DERBY an explicit repetition that the Lord Chancellor will promote the reforms recommended by the Law Commission.

The House adjourned to Monday ; but it will meet next week only for the transaction of judicial business.

The proceedings of the House of Commons were altogether of an un- important and secondary character. New writs were ordered, on the motion of Mr. Famine MAcieszezni, for the vacancies created by the change of Ministers—

&tits vacated. Persons. Seats vacated. Persons. Buckinghamshire .Mr. Disraeli. Enniskillen Mr. Whiteside. Mniburst Mr. Walpole. Londonderry Mr. Bateson. Droitwich Sir John Pakington. Buckingham (ho.) . Marquis of Chandos. Stamford Mr. Berries. Chichester Lord Henry Lennox. Oxfordshire Mr. Henley. 8. Lincolnshire ...Sir John Trollop. North Essex Major Beresford. N. Lincolnshire. .. Mr. Christopher (Chil- Abingdon Sir F. Thesiger. tern Hundreds.) Colchester Lord John Manners. Dorsetshire Mr. Bankes.

Portarlington Colonel Dunne. Yorkshire (E. B.). Mr. A. Duncombe.

Kildare Lord Naas. Tyrone County ...Lord Claude Hamilton.

Dublin Bair. Mr. Napier. Wenlock The Hon. C. Forester.

A writ was ordered also for Cork ; Dr. Maurice Power having been appointed Governor of St. Lucia, by the late Ministry. Mr. BRANSTON moved for a new writ for Harwich. But Sir Da Leer Everts moving as an amendment that the writ be issued that day six months, and a debate thereupon following on the whole question of bribing, &c., in amall boroughs, it was agreed to withdraw both amend- ment and motion,..and postpone the subject.

The House adjourned till Friday the 12th of March.

Sir Frederick Thesiger is not to be opposed at Abingdon by General Caulfield, whom he beat at the last election by a majority of only two: in return, he is not to oppose General Caulfield at the next general election.