28 JUNE 1851, Page 9

fortign au CnIlluial.

FnANcE.—The Committee on the projects for revision of the Constitu- tion has determined on its report, and has chosen its reporter. The decision is in favour of a "total revision" ; but the reporter chosen is the Repub- lican M. de Tocqueville.

The most interesting feature of the proceedings of the Committee— whose report may or may not be adopted by the Assembly—was the speech of M. de Broglie, in the character of a loyal citizen of the Re- public, who still adheres to the principle of Monarchy. The Republic and the Constitution exist. He did not help to make them ; and he refused to accept the office of Mayor in 1849, because it would have obliged him to read the Constitution aloud: so long, however, as the Republic lasts, he will do his duty like a good citizen. A revision of the Constitution is indispensable for escaping the dangers of 1852. But the Committee should not prescribe any course : a Constituent Assembly would not regard the wishes of the mere Legislative Assembly ; and moreover, to desire the amelioration of Republican institutions, would be implying the perpetuity of the Republic, and be a sort of creed, or oath of fidelity.

The evils of the present state of things are attributed to men, but they are due only to the Constitution. In point of Let, but one man stands accused, the President of the Republic, who is made a scapegoat. The Duke had no mission to defend the President of the Republic ; he was neither his minister, his counsellor, nor his friend; he had never known him until called upon to act as his judge, when he voted for his imprisonment at Hone Nevertheless, he would be just, and would declare that he did not believe in any intention to attempt an 18th Brumaire. But admit the danger—who made the President ? The Constitution. Would not any other President become exposed to the same suspicion ? They had established a Republic in a country which pushed centralization to the verge of extravagance, and to that Republic they gave an uncontrolled President. Had the object been to create a President with limited powers, he should have been elect-cl in quite a dif- ferent manner. They had now a man to whose name great prestige is attach- ed, not only on account of his name, but of the romantic circumstances of his own life; and this man they had placed between usurpation and insig- nificance. Could they feel astonished that he feels indisposed to fall into in- significance—he whom they had raised too height sufficient to turn any man's head? Well, this President, so placed, would be obliged in 1852 to take up his hat and go into furnished lodgings. Who would they find to be Presi- dent afterwards? If they had Washingtons, John Adanises, and Munroes to present, they might be sure that the country would not have one of them. It would seek some other extraordinary candidate. He would not speak of the Prince de Joinville, because the Prince would not stand; but be- tween Princes and a Democrat in a smock frock he saw no alternative. A man in a blouse, who would flatter the people with extravagant promises, would become their choice, and would be chosen President of the Republic. No enlightened and moderate Republican would have a chance of being chosen by the present mode of election. He did not believe that there was any such thing as a Bonapartist movement at present. What he be- lieved was, that the country ardently desired the preservation of the status quo ; and that from its excessive apprehension of revolutions. Admitting, however, that there is a Bonapartist movement, the Assembly would not be able to resist it. Should the party of order do so, it would lose popularity, and would not be reelected. Nay, they might incur the very perils against which they are so anxious to take precautions. They might preemie the country to return an unconstitutional candidate; in which case, without giving himself the airs of a Brutus, he would certainly refuse to va- lidate his election. But what then? Why, their testament would have no more force than had that of the old dying Louis Quatorze ; and in the next month of May, the words of Sieyes on the eve of the 18th Brumaire might ring in their ears, "Messieurs, you have found your master." It was for sake of preventing such a result that he desired to see a regular revision of the Constitution. It was really singular to witness the fear that existed to appeal to the electoral colleges,: lest they should cause agitation when they had before them 100,000 electors. There was the election for the National Guards, then the election for 37,000 Municipal Conventions, 3600 Cantonal Councillors, 86 General Councillors, all independent of the election for the Legislative Assembly and the election for the President, and all in one year. And yet, because they wished for an Assembly more powerful, they were called agitators! He repeated, that the great agitator, the O'Connell of France, was the Constitution. M. de Tocqueville believed the Constitution to be faulty, and believed so for many of the reasons advanced by the Duke de Broglie ; and for those reasons he desired a revision, as the only means of safety. But he proposed to report that the revision is demanded in a Republican spirit ; to tell the nation that it is impossible now to think of reestablish- ing Monarchy; to declare publicly what everybody has been repeat- ipg at the tribune for the last three years, and what the Duke de BroglM himself had just declared.

The Committee rejected the propositions of the Duke de Broglie and the other members of the Assembly, and adopted a proposition in favour of total revision. The choice of M. de Tocqueville for reporter was made by 8 votes in his favour against 5 for the Duke de Broglie and 2 for M. Odilon Barrot.