28 MARCH 1846, Page 12

POSTSCRIPT.

SATURDAY NIGHT.

The " compact " which provided that the discussion on the second read- ing of the new Corn Bill should terminate with Friday's debate, was ho- nourably fulfilled; and as regards weight of matter and rhetorical display on the side of the Free-traders, the closing night was the best. The majority, it will be seen, was eighty-eight.

Sir Jesms GRAIIA3I opened. His speech is made up of replies to the more prominent statements of the leading Protectionists during the previous discus- sions. In this way a great variety of topics are handled, cogent and weighty in themselves, but of that class which does not admit of much novelty in the treat- ment. We can but indicate two or three.

As to the personal and violent invective indulged in by Lord George Ben- tinck and others of his party, it was nothing more than he had anticipated: but he consoled himself with the belief that the time was not far distant when the country gentlemen would be satisfied, and would acknowledge, that Government had not -betrayed their interests. To show that the farmers do not participate in the Parliamentary alarms, Sir James adduced similar facts to those mentioned by Mr. Fox Monte; proving that rents, instead of diminishing under the prospect of free trade, are increasing. Then as to land being thrown out of cultivation, the apprehension was not coun- tenanced by the proceedings now taking place under the Enclosure Acts. In the early part of last year there were few applications for enclosures; but in September the applications were for 2,290 acres, and in October the number of acres was 4,588: that was under protection, and at that time there was no idea of any alteration in the Corn-laws. In November, however, there was pregnant evidence of approaching change; and what was the effect ? Why, in November, they were 7,147; in December, 7,205; in January, 5,000; in February, 3,595. In March, down to the 7th of the month, there has been one application for 1,580 acres; within the last fortnight there had been an application from the county of York to enclose Bowes Moor, very a common of ve inferior land, to the extent of 14,000 acres; and another application has come from Taunton Dean, Somerset, to enclose 2,500 acres; that is, within the last fortnight applications have been made to enclose no less than 16,500 acres. More than this, a bill had actually been in- .trodnced in the present session for enclosing and reclaiming from the sea certain tracts of land forming part of the estuary of the Wash. On the back of that bill he found the name of Lord George Bentinck ; among the subscribers he found the same name; and it occurred also among the directors. Under these circum- stances, Sir James thought he was entitled to ask Lord George Bentinek what was his estimate of the future price of wheat? In the refutation of Mr. Shaw's assertions on the subject of scarcity in Ireland, many documents were referred to, all of which spoke of the potato disease as in- creasing. In a report from 2,000 electoral districts belonging to unions, made up to the 15th February, it was shown that more than half of the entire crop had absolutely been destroyed within these districts. Other statements were equally decisive, not only as to the existence of scarcity, but as to the impossibility of re- storing the potato crop to anything like abundance for some years. Mr. Shaw had accused the Government of having betrayed their party, and of changing their opinions; and because they had done so, he thought himself en- titledto cast their horoscope. He tells the world that the Government is falling ; and, sitting. behind them and acting on his conviction, he gives them a kick as they are going down. If a Protection Government be hereafter formed, it was to be hoped that Mr. Shaw would obtain for himself a more satisfactory settlement of his retiring allowance than Sir James had been able to approve of. " The learned Recorder of Dublin often said that he never looked for Parliainentary place or patronage; yet, if a Protection Government were formed, the vision of the Irish Secretaryship might again flit across his fancy ; and, should he obtain that owe, I hope that, under the benign influence of his administration, the people of Ireland may enjoy all the advantages of which their condition is sus- ceptible. At all events, whether now, or at whatever time the learned Recorder may give utterance to any reproaches of us, I cannot fail to know the feelings which actuate him; and, knowing those feelings, his censure sits light upon me. .1 infinitely prefer being assailed by his open hostility to being exposed to his smouldering resentment." Mr. STUART, the new Member for Newark, denied that public opinion was against the Protectionists. The falsehoods and fallacies of the Anti-Corn-law League ought not to be mistaken in that House for the opinion of the manu- facturing districts. Mr. Cobden had terrified the Government; and had declared his intention of putting down the empire of " boobyism": if that meant any- thing, it meant this, that the House in its legislation should be subservient to the clamours and nat to the sober judgment of the manufacturing population.

Mr. Bonvninn, speaking of the agricultural labourers, stated that their con- dition had deteriorated under the protective system.

The Marquis of WORCESTER foretold that the effect of the measure would be 'to reduce many tenant-farmers to the scale of labourers, and to drive many labourers either to emigration or to the workhouse. Mr. D. GARDNER contended for adequate compensation to the agriculturists. Mr. MILDMAY, as a merchant, opposed the bill. Sit ROBERT PEEL began with an allusion to the attacks upon him; remark- ing, that had he occupied the position of a private Member of the House, he would have allowed the accusations to pass unnoticed. He entered into a defence of his proceedings; bringing to recollection most of the facts already known in con- lemon with the Ministerial explanations. He adverted to what he said on Mr. .Villiers's motion of 1845, (commented on at the time,) to show that he had then arrived at the conviction that the Corn-laws could not be defended on the old grounds: in consequence of this speech, the Protection Society passed resolutions expressive of distrust in the Government. He replied to a charge made by Mr. Banker, of having acted an unconstitutional part in venturing to advise her Ma- jesty as to a successor. He refuted the more important objections to the Minis- terial measure. He showed the necessity of adopting means to improve the physical condition of the.. pulation: the first step ought to be that which the Government

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had taken. Loo g at the measure as a whole, he was convinced that it would not be injurious to the agricultural interest, and that it would be conducive to the interest of the community generally. He noticed the taunts of his dependence on Opposition support. "An honourable gentleman asks me how long do I cal- culate upon their support? I will be perfectly frank and explicit on this, as on every other subject. I have no right to place any confidence in the support of honourable gentlemen opposite--I have none whatever. I feel and acknowledge every proper obligation to them as a public man, for the support which they have given to this measure, and for studiously avoiding everything cal- culated to create embarrassment to its progress: but then our differences remain the same. I have no right to claim their support, or their protection; nor shall I seek it, by departing in the slightest degree from that course which my public duty may urge me to adopt. If this measure pass, our temporary connexion is at an end; and I have not the slightest right to expect support or forbearance from them. Still less have I, after the declarations that have been made, a right to ex- pect forbearance or support from this side of the House." The rest of Sir Robert's peroration we copy entire, from the Protectionist columns of the Morning Herald, minus the running commentary of the reporter. "I am not surprised to hear honourable Members predict to me that my tenure of power is short. Let these measures pass into a law. Suspend your mdigna thin until then; and then it will be perfectly open to you to determine what measure you will adopt for the purpose of terminating my political life. I shall still pursue steadily that course which my conscience tells me I should take, let you and those opposite pursue what course you think right. I only hope you will permit these measures to be passed into a law. I do assure you that I deplore the leas of your confidence, if' I have unfortunately lost it: I deplore it more than I do the loss of political power. The accusations which you have preferred against me are on this account harmless, that I feel they are undeserved. Every man has within his own bosom and conscience the scales with which are deter- mined by their real weight whether his acts are deserving of reproach or of appro- bation; and if I could feel, if I could believe, that I had been moved by corrupt motives or unworthy impulses, one-tenth part of the accusations you have levelled against me must have been fatal to my existence and my peace. You may think I have taken too great precautions against Irish famine: you are mistaken. Events will prove that these precautions were not un- necessary. But even if it were not so, the motive was to rescue a whole popu- lation from the calamity of possible famine and disease; and I shall, under these circumstances, be easy under such an accusation. I am not saying whether this measure will do it or not: I am merely speaking of the motive. I am only observing upon the weight such an accusation will have even if the precaution is superfluous. With the information we have had, even if the precautions were superfluous, I can say with Mr. Burke, under similar circumstances, under every

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accident, in pain and in sickness, in depression and distress, I shall call to mind this accusation and be comforted. I shall never regard the reproaches that may be heaped on me, if the events prove that these precautions have been superfluous. Sir, the month Of July will have established the conviction that these measures of precaution were not superfluous; and I am speaking now not of the temporary but of the permanent ones we have adopted. Sir, when I do fall, I shall. have the satisfaction of reflecting that I shall not have fallen because I hare shown subserviency to any party. I shall not fall because I have preferred the interests of party to the general interests of the community. I shall carry with me the satisfaction of reflecting, that during the course of my official career my object has been to mitigate monopoly, to increase the demand for industry, to remove the restrictions upon commerce, to equalize the burden of the taxes, and to ame- liorate the condition of those who pay them." Mr. STANFORD O'BRIEN followed. He complained of the unfairness of the Ministers' coming down to the House and quoting a vast variety of statistical documents which it was impossible for anybody to answer off-hand. Lord PAT wrnsToN closed the debate, in a very clever and skilful speech. He defended the course pursued by the Government; declaring that, however im- portant political connexion and political consistency might be, he held that if public duty pointed one way and party considerations another, an honest man was bound to stand by his country. His astonishment was not thaeMinisters had changed their opinions now, but that they had not changed them sooner. His experience in office led him to say that England's example in establishing practicalfree trade would be more beneficial towards obtaining it throughout the world than any other effort which could be devised.

The Home divided—For the second reading, 302; against it, 214; ma- jority, 88.

Thursday was named for the Committee; but the entry in the Votes is " Bill committed for Monday next."

A feverish anxiety continues to be displayed on the subject of the Irish " Coercion" Bill— Mr. CHARLES BULLER asked if it was still intended to take.the first reading i on Monday? He regretted that such a course should interfere with the progress of the Corn Bill.

Sir JAMES GRAFTAM expressed equal regret at the.prospeet of delay; but stated that the Government could not avoid the proposal to readl the bill a first time on Monday. Mr. Fox MAULS advised Ministers to reconsider the thing, and perchance they may arrive at the conclusion that postponement is the best course. [We understand that the bill will be opposed by the United Liberals of the House of Commons in every stage.]