28 MARCH 1857, Page 6

fortigtt out (Colonial.

franc !.—The ifoniteur gives a flattering account of the budget.

"The report of the Minister of State of the budget of 1858 has been presented and read. It shows an excess of receipts over expenditure to the amount of 25,000,000 francs. In conformity with the ideas of the Emperor, it is recommended that this surplus shall be applied to the redemption of the floating debt. Thus, through the foresight and prudent measures of Government, the receipts not only equal the expenditure, but realize a large excess."

The Neuchatel Conference is once more under weigh. The Prussian Minister at Paris received his instructions on the 19th. The following is said to be the Prussian offer'—

"The title of Prince of Neuchatel will remain attached to the crown of Prussia. The benevolent institutions at Neuchatel shall be maintained and guaranteed. The revenues of the Royal domains shall continue to be paid to the King for four years. The produce, which amounts to about 100,000 francs a year, will serve to indemnify the Royalists for the sacrifices and losses they have undergone. His Majesty renounces the maintenance of the bourgeoisies. Switzerland will have to proclaim a general amnesty ; and the Royalists compromised since 1848 are not to be molested on any grounds whatever."

The Conference sat on Tuesday and Wednesday. The Prussian Minister, hitherto excluded, was admitted on Tuesday ; and Dr. Kern, the Swiss delegate, was admitted on Wednesday. Mr. Escher, the President of the National Council of the Swiss Confederation, has had an interview with the Emperor.

It appears that the Bourbon family is again at loggerheads. The Orleans branch, through the Duke de Nemours, Ras retracted its " reconciliation" ; and the Count de Chambord has replied to the Duke as follows.

"My Cousin—I have read your letter with deep regret and sorrow. I was pleased to think that we had understood in the same manner the reconciliation effected between us now four years ago. That reestabliehment of our political and family relations, while it was gratifying to my heart, seemed to my judgment a ;fledge of salvation for France, and one of the firmest guarantees of her future. In order to justify my hope, in order to render our union at the same time efficacious and worthy, there were wanting only two things, which yet were very easy,—to remain, on your part as on mine, equally convinced of the necessity of our union, and to maintain a confidence equally solid in our mutual sentiments. I hare not doubted your devotedness to the principle of Monarchy ; and no one can call in question my attachment to France, my respect for her glory, my good wishes for her greatness and her liberty ; and my sympathetic gratitude is given to those who have at every period done for her what is good, useful, and great. I have never ceased to think, I have always said, I have always believed, and I still believe in the impropriety of regulating, before the moment comes when Providence shall impose on us that duty, questions which the interests and the wishes of our country shall resolve. It is not while we are far from France, and without France, that people can diepose of her. I do not the

less preserve my prefouud conviction that it is in the union of our house, and in the common efforts of all the defenders of monarchical institutions, that France will be one day saved; and her saddest trials have not weakened my faith. Hnxiti."

511111.—The Austrian Government has followed up the note of Count Buol by recalling Count Pear, its Ambassador at Turin, but in a peculiar manner. It appears that Count Pear took leave of Count Ca.vour "in the way that is usual where a diplomatist is about to endertake a jour. oey." Yet the interests of Austria have been confided to the Prussian Minister. Count Pear left Turin on Sunday or Monday. Rumours of reconciliation between Naples and the Western Powers are again circulated. The King is said to be afraid of Murat ; and • officious persons" are to propose such changes as will enable the Western Powers to resume open communication with the Neapolitan

Court. A telegraphic despatch from Palermo, dated March Is; T.,

"The state of things here is very bad. The King of Naples has ordered political prisoners to be tortured with an instrument invented by the Commissary Buena. People are hiding themselves in the mountains. The island is agitated."

The political prisoners at Paliano in the Roman States recently broke out of prison—escaped to the roof of the building where they were confined. The soldiers fired at them ; they replied with tiles, and only gave in when four were killed and five wounded.

Instria.—it does not appear that the Piedmontese Minister has quitted Vienna. It is stated that he had an interview with Count Buol on the 20th, when the recall of Count ,Paar was notified to him "in a diplomatic way." M. de Canton° was told that Count Pear had been summoned to 'Vienna, "in order that he might by word of mouth make known to his Government the opinions and views of Count Cavour. The Sardinian diplomatist was also given to understand that the Austrian Government would not object to his remaining at his post if he felt inclined to do so."

Mtnntark.—Le Nord has published a curious despatch from the Danish Minister Scheele, to the Courts of England, France, Russia, and Sweden. It disavows, on behalf of the Government of the King of Denmark, any complicitywith or approbation of the designs of the party who are agitating for "the Scandinavian idea." The idea, it says, is "very poetical,' though neither historically precis.° nor practicable. [The "idea" is, the union of Denmark, Sweden and Norway.] "The views of the Government of Denmark upon this subject, he has reason to believe, are shared by the Government of the King of Sweden and Norway.The two Sovereigns recognize and would avail themselves of the salutary influence of the Scandinavian idea, so far as it tends to promote friendly intimacy between two nations the interests of which are in many respects identical; but now, since the agitation has attracted the notice of foreign cabinets, and may have contributed to shake public confidence in the stability of the established order of things, or even in the intentions of the Governments, they can no longer regard it as inoffensive Under these circumstances, an idea which is flattering to the national sentiment might lead to very disastrous results. The Government therefore feels called upon to declare, that it does not contem_plete any other political organization than that defined by the protocols of London dated the 2nd and 23d of August 1850, the treaty of London signed the 8th of May 1852, and the Royal Succession Act passed in July 1855."

tirraisia.—It may be recollected that the Kangaroo, an English merchant steamer, carried some timo since a body of Poles and soldiers of fortune from Constantinople to Cireassia. The incident has created a great scandal at Constantinople and may give rise to important questions. In the mean time' a letter from one of the adventurers, written at the Circassian head-quarters at Tuabs, contains interesting matter—

"it is known to you that Mehemed Bey (Bangya), to whose person I am attached, has acceded to the wishes of the chiefs and deputies of the Circassian tribes and has accepted the post of Commander-in-chief. On Monday the 23d of February, we landed at Tuaba, where we have our head-quarters. Before our departure, Mehemed Bey engaged a couple of hundred excellent military instructors for the different arms, and they accompanied us hither. Mehemed Bey has already been solemnly proclaimed Generalin-chief dell the Circassian forces. The princes, nobles, and deputies of the people, have sworn on the Koran to obey him, and a deputation of the Circassian Diet has today sent in the flag of the Prophet, which is the symbol of the highest power. The enthusiasm was very great when the new commander swore fidelity to the sacred standard. (The flag itself is green, and on it is a white sword with the crescent and the star.)" it laid fitt 5 . —The Niagara arrived at Liverpool on Monday, with advices from Boston to the Ilth March.

It seems that the Democrats have monopolized five-sevenths of all the important Committees in the Senate ; a clear proof of Democratic strength. The Standing Committee on Foreign Relations was composed of Messrs. Mason, Douglas, Slidell, Palk, Crittenden, Seward, and Foot. The New York Chamber of Commerce had received Lord Napier with a cordial welcome. On his landing, they sent a deputation to wait upon him at the Clarendon Hotel. Mr. Petit, the President, said

" Your arrival in this country is the more interesting, as it will fully restore the diplomatic relations of Great Britain and the -United States of America, and will, we trust, be the means of adding strength to the ties of consanguinity, friendship, and interest, which bind these nations together. On this continued harmony of feeling and action depend not only the prosperity of two great and powerful nations, but the advancement of commerce, civilization, and liberal institutions throughout the world. It will be the distinguished privilege of your mignon, we trust, to contribute largely to these great objects."

To this Lord Napier replied, that no efforts should be wanting on his part to realize their happy anticipations.

"I come with every desire to be useful. Although I have never visited America before, I have enjoyed the intimacy and friendship of many of your countrymen abroad; and I would gladly merit that regard on the part of the nation which has been extended to me by its individual members. The sentiments of cordiality which you have conveyed to me are those which animate the Government and people of Great Britain. If I fail in giving effect to them, it may arise from a deficiency of ability, but never from a want of good-will. I am, moreover, justified in anticipating that nothing can occur to mar the harmony of our international relations, or to diminish those friendly sentiments which, nudes no circumstances, have ever expired in the heart* of the two nations." The decision of the Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott, the Negro, had caused a great and unpleasant sensation. Party motives are attributed to the Judges. "The seven Democratic Jud$es pronounced for the slavery of Dred, the two Whig Judges for his freedom."

President Buchanan's inaugural speech eontains some passages an declarations well worth attention.

He opens his discourse by invoking " the God of our fathers" to give hint wisdom and firmness, so to execute the high duties he has assumed as to en able him to restore harmony and the ancient friendship among the States, and to preserve the institutions of the country. He pledges himself not to seek a second tenure of the Presidentship—"Itaviug determined not to be cornea candidate for reelection, I shall have no motive to influence my eon

duet in administering the Government except the desire ably and faithfully to serve nay country and to live in the grateful memory of my countrymen. "We have recently passed through a Presidential contest, in which the passions of our fellow-citizens were excited to the highest degree by ques

tion & of deep and vital importance; but when the people proclaimed their will the tempest at once subsided, and all was calm. The voice of the majority, speaking in the manner prescribed by the constitution, was heard,

antelmat allblY11981011_ followed. Our own country could alone have exhibited 60 grand and striking a operova...."


" What a happy conception, then, was it for Congress to apply this simple

rule—that the will of the majority/ shall govern—to the settlement of the question of domestic slavery in the 'Territories. Congress is neither to legis. late slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their dementia institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States. As a natural consequence, Congress has also prescribed that when

the Territory of Kaman shall be admitted as a State, it shall be received into the Union with or without slavery US their constitution may proscribe

at the time of their admission. A different opinion lies arisen in regard to

the time when the people of a Territory shall decide this question for themselves. Thisis,happily, matter of but little practical importance ; and be

sides, it is a udicial question, which legitimately belougs to tho Supremo

Court of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, in common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever this may. be ; though it has been my individual opinion, that under the Nobraska-KausasAct the appropriate .period will be when the number of actual residents in the

Territory shall justify the formation of a constitution with a view to its ad mission as a State into the Union. But be this as it may, it is the imperative and indispensable duty of the Government of the United States to secure to every resilient inhabitant the free and independent expression of his opinion by his vote. This sacred right of each individual must be preserved. 'I his being accomplished, nothing can be fairer than to leave the people of a Territory free from all foreign interference to decide their own destiny for themselves, subject only to the constitution of the United Staten. The whole territorial question being thus settled upon the principle of popular sovereiguty—a principle as ancient as five government itself—everything of

a practical nature has been decided, and no other question remains for adjustment, because all agree that under the constitution slavery in the States

is beyond the reach of any human power except that of the respective States themselves wherein it exists. May we not, then, hope that the long agitation on this subject is approaching its end, and that the geograplikal parties to which it luta given birth, so much dreaded by the father of his country, will speedily become extinct ? Most happy will it be for the country when the public mmil shall be diverted from this question to others of more press ing and practical importance. Throughout the whole progress of this agita, tion, which has scarcely known any intermission for more than twenty years, while it has been productive of no positive good to any human being, it has

been the prolific source of great evil to the muster, to the slave, and to the whole country ; it has alienated and estranged the people of the sister States from each other, and has even seriously endangered the very existence of tho Union : nor has the danger yet entirely ceased." 110 exhorts all parties to preserve the Union, end points out the disasters that would ensue to trade, and the gigantic evil of war, that would follow disunion.

The duty of the Government next in importance, he thinks, is itapreservation free from the taint of corruption. " Our present financial condition

is without a parallel in history. No nation has over before been embarrassed from too large a surplus in its treasury. This almost necessarily gives birth to extravagant legislation. It produces wild schemes of expenditures, and begets a race of speculators and jobbers, whose ingenuity is exerted in con triving and promoting expedients to obtain the public money. The party, through its official agents, whether rightfully or wrongfully, in suspected, and the character of the Government suffers in the estimation of the people. This is in itself a very great evil." The natural mode of relief is to appropriate the surplus to great national objects,—" the extinguishment of the public debt ; a reasonable increase of the navy, which is at present inade quate to the protection of our vast tonnage afloat, now greater than that of any other nation ; as well as the defence of our extended sea-coast." Ho points to and approves of the modifications in the tariff. "But the squander ing of the public money sinks into comparative insignificance as a temptation to corruption when compared with the squandering of the public lands.

No nation in the tide of time has ever been blessed with so rich and noble an inheritance 1113 we enjoy in the public lands. In administering this important trust, while it may be wise to grant portions of them for the improve

ment of the remainder, yet we should never forget that it is our cardinal policy to reserve these hinds an much as may be for actual settlers, and this at moderate prices "The Federal constitution is a grant from the States to Cengriss of certain specific powers ; and the question whether this grant shall be

liberally or strictly construed has, more or less, divided political parties

from the beginning. Without enteringinto the argument, I desire to state at the commencement of my administration, that long experience and observation have convinced me that a strict construction of the powers of the Government in the only true as well as the only safe theory of the constitution."

He pronounces in favour of making a railroad to the Pacific, for the purpose of bringing California into military connexion with the other States. The President's concluding paragraphs contain a declaration of the principles of his foreign policy. " In our intercourse with the great family df nations, there are some plain principles approved by our own experience, from which we should never depart. We ought to cultivate peace, commerce, and friendship with all nations; and this not merely as the best means of promoting our own material interest, but in a spirit of Christian benevolence towards our fellow men wherever their lot may be east. Our diplomacy should be direct and frank—neither seeking to obtain more nor accepting less than is our due. We ought to cherish a sacred regard for the independence of all nations, and never attempt to interfere in the domestic concerns of any, unless this shall be imperatively required by the great law 9f self-preservation. To avoid entangling alliances has been a maxim of our pohcy ever since the days of Washington, and its wisdom no one will attempt to dispute. In short, we ought to do justice in a kindly spirit to all natious, and require justice from them in return. It in our glory that, while other nations have extended their dominions by the sword, we have never acquired any territory except by fair purchase, or, as in the case of Texas, by the voluntary determination of a brave, kindred, and independent people, to blend their destinies with our own. Even our acquisitions from Mexico form no exception : unwilling to take advantage of the fortune of war against a sister Republic, we purchased these possessions, under the treaty of peace for a sum which was considered at the time a.fair equivalent. Our past' history forbids that we shall in the future acquire territory, unless this be sanctioned by the laws of justice and honour. Acting on this principle, no nation will have a right to interfere, or to complain, if in the progress of events we shall still further extend our possessions." The Norfolk (Virginia) Argue states that " two free Negroes, William Carter and John Powell, seamen on board the British barque Billow, were arrested in our city for being absent from their vessel without leave, and were ordered by the Mayor to be punished with stripes, by virtue of an act of Assembly in such cases made and provided. The punishment was commuted with the assent of the captain of the barque to the payment of costs of arrest and other usual charges ; to which, however, her Majesty's Consul, G. I'. R. James, Esq., demurred, upon the gropva ^f

ao:i wore exemptnom the pun

ishment to which other free Negroes were liable for a violation of the aforesaid act of Assembly. Our worthy Mayor, however, maintained his authority in the matter, and gave her 31ajesty's representative the alternative to pay charges or submit to the punishment of the Negroes ; the former of which he adopted under protest."

tOina.—The Paris Mo»ileur tie la Rolle, which has sometimes published curious intelligence from Hongkong of a later date than our own, has just printed an account of the first examination of A-Lum the Hongkong bread-poisoner. It will be seen that, according to the statement, A-Lum acted under the orders of Ych. The questioner is Captain Adams ; the respondent A-Lum. "'Q. On the 15th December all the foreigners who deal with you received bread which had been poisoned with arsenic. Those who partook of it soon felt the effects of the poison, and several are still in a dangerous state. Soon after the committal of this action you took to flight. Your domestics, on being arrested and interrogated, declared that the bread had been prepared under your direction, and that you personally mixed the poison, and threw the arsenic into the dough. What have you to say to this ?' —A. 'I acted agreeably to the order of the Viceroy, which was brought to me by a satellite of the mandarin. That order told me that, the English having declared war with my country, it was my duty to assist in their destruction ; that the soldiers used fire and sword to fight them, and that I was to use poison ; that it was natural to do everything to injure an enemy ; and that, moreover, if I disobeyed his orders, my family at Canton would be thrown into prison, and all my property confiscated. '—Q. The conduct of the Viceroy is horrible, but it is no excuse fur yours. The act which you have committed is contrary to the laws of war, as it is to those of humanity ; and he who commits such a crime is equally guilty with him Who advises it. It is useless for you to attempt to excuse yourself by saying that you acted against an enemy ; for you have also poisoned Germans, Russians, Italians, Americans, and French, with whom you are not at war.' A. It was involuntarily that the poisoned bread waidistributed to these foreigners.'—Q. What you now say is not the truth : your domestics have declared that, on that day, you niado two kinds of bread—one, poisoned, which was distributed by your orders to all foreigners indiscriminately ; and another, which was good, and given only to the Chinese—A. My domestics are mistaken.'—g. 'That we shall see hereafter.'"