28 MARCH 1857, Page 9



The General Election, which began on Thursday, made more progress yesterday, and many Members were returned, as will be seen front a list in another column.

The nomination for the City of London, at the Guildhall yesterday, was an animated scene. The Persian Ambassador, Lady John Russell, the Baroness Rothschild, and other ladies graced the platform. Lord John Russell was nominated by Mr. T. liankey and seconded by Mr. Bennoch. Baron Rothschild was nominated by Alderman Wire and seconded by Mr. Dakin. Mr. It. Martineau nominated and Mr. J. Chapman seconded Sir James Duke. Mr. John Dillon nominated and Mr. Gassiott seconded Mr. Wigram Crawford. Mr. W. G. Presseott proposed and Mr. A. Anderson seconded Mr. Raikes Currie.

In proposing Mr. Crawford, Mr. Dillon replied to a charge made against him, that he had divulged the contents of a letter front Lord John Russell. Now he had received two letters from Lord John, one saying that he would not stand, the other saying he would stand. He had never shown the first letter to any one. It was brought to hint by Mr. John Abel Smith. Mr. Dillon could only account for the rumour that Lord John would not stand by supposing that others besides himself knew the contents of that letter. Mr. Dillon honoured Lord John for his great qualities and services, but he did not like his faults. He disapproved of his conduct at Vienna.

Lord John Russell, in his speech after the nomination, replied among other things to these two points. Mr. Dillon no doubt received a letter from him intimating an intention to resign ; but before he answered that letter, ho received another from Lord John stating that he should take time to consider what course he should pursue. People presumed -without authority, at the London Tavern meeting, that he had resigned ; and Mr. Dillon did not think proper to undeceive them. Lord John now appealed with emphasis against the dictation of that self-constituted power the Liberal Registration Association ; and against the restriction placed on the choice of the electors, and the doctrine that commercial men only should represent great towns.

"Another question is involved in this election, which it behoves all electors to consider,—namely, the independence of Parliament. I quite allow that Lord Palmerston is a man who is fit to preside over the councils of this empire. I think he deserves the support of the House of Commons and of the nation. But I cannot admit that if the House of Commons come to a rote adverse to the Government, they, or the majority of them, are to be stigmatized as desiring to make the degradation and humiliation of their -country a steppingstone to power. I thing the House of Commons ought to be independent, and that they ought to vote upon the merits of every roestion. They may commit errors, but they should have a free and independent choice, and they ought not to be browbeaten as they have been by any Minister.

"There are some other questions to which I wish to refer. I think that among the measures proposed to the House of Commons ought to be one for a considerable extension of the suffrage. It was my duty, in the first instance as the organ of my own Administration and subsequently as the organ of Lord Aberdeen's .Administration, to introduce a measure which contained provisions for extending the right of voting. I have sometimes been accused of inertness in these matters; but allow ma to say, that it was owing to the want of support both in the House of Commons and the country that I was induced not to persevere with that measure. I am happy to see that there is now a disposition among the people to support a measure of that kind. I trust that that disposition will grow so strong that such a measure may be carried by a majority of the next House of Commons. It belongs, in the first place, to the Government of the day to bring forward such a measure. Lord Pahnerston was a member of the Government of Lord Aberdeen, which introduced the last proposal on this subject, and he may think it right to renew such a proposal. But if he repeats the objections which he stated to Mr. Locke Ring's motion, and says that he is neither for a large reform nor for a small reform, I shall deem it my duty, if I am a Member of the House of Commons, to ask for leave to bring in a bill to extend the franchise.

"There are two or threemattere relating to foreign policy on which I wish to offer a few words; and one of them has reference to my conduct at Vienna. I cannot state that conduct fully. I can touch on only one or two portions of it, because it was not thought right by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to jfroduce the despatches which I had written. I do not find fault with his exercise of the discretion vested in him ; but, the fact being as I have stated, it is impossible for me to have my case fully before the public. This, however, I will say, deducing it only from what I said in my place in the House of Commons, and from that which has appeared in the documents laid before Parliament, that it was my opinion that France, Great Britain, and Austria, ought all to combine for the purpose of securing Turkey. I propOsed a treaty to that effect to the Austrian Government ; and although the proposal met with little success then, it has been since adopted, and a treaty was accordingly signed last April at Paris, on the basis of which the present security of Turkey rests. Another point which I desire to mention is, that I wrote from Vienna with respect to the Circassian forts, that Russia should not again be allowed to occupy them; because it always appeared to me that the greatest danger to Turkey came from the side of Asia. And I greatly regret, when the peace of Paris was made, that that proposal of mine did not form part of the treaty ; for then we should not have had what we have now—Russia preparing to subdue the independence of the Circassians, and thereby taking an additional step towards the conquest of Turkey."

He defended his rote OR the China question. It will never do to separate British power from British justice. "There There are occasions when it is absolutely necessary, both for the sake of right and for the general interests of Europe, that the sword should be unsheathed. Such was the ease when Russia made her aggressions upon Turkey ; such will be the case,. I will venture to say, if Austria shall pursue the aggressive course which she has shown a disposition to pursue, and if Sardinia, a small Power, is to be oppressed or attacked by a greater Power for the crime—and it is the only crime laid to her charge—that she permits the liberty of the press. While I think we may abuse our power, I think also we may use that power to ad

vantage when it is used in defence of a free state fighting for the principhs which we ourselves profess." (Load cheering.) This speech was followed by speeches from the other candidates ; who. all except Baron Rothschild met with great interruption. Mr. Raikes Currie was unheard, except imperfectly by one reporter, and those near him. The show of hands was declared to be in favour of Lord John Russell, Sir James Duke, Baron Rothschild, and Mr. Crawford. A poll was demanded on behalf of Mr. Currie.

Besides the contest in the City, there will today be contests in the Tower Munlets and Finsbury. At the nominations yesterday., Mr. Butler and Mr. Acton Ayrton carried the show of hands in the Tower Hamlets: Sir William Clay's friends demanded a poll. In Finsbury, the popular favourites were Mr. Buncombe and Major Reed : the friends of Mr. Cox and Sergeant Parry demanded a poll.

In the crowd of provincial election proceedings two or three stand. out from the rest.

Lord Pahnerston arrived in Tiverton late on Thursday, and met with that reception to which he is accustomed. The nomination took place yesterday : there was no opposition, and Mr. Ileatheoat and Lord Palmerston were declared duly. elected. Lord Palmerston began a speech of considerable length but little novelty (an amplification of his election address) with a characteristic request

" Gentlemen, before I begin to thank you for the honour you have done me, I must beg another favour at your hands, and that is that you will allow me to address you with my hat on. (cheers and langhter.) I have two reasons for making that request,—first, that I may be your true representative, for I see that you all have your hats on ; and secondly, because I am sure you would not wish that your representative should be prevented by a bad cold in his head from performing the duties inmosed upon lihn."

( e 'rrnsi.)

having professed his devotion to Tiverton, he went over the old topics,—the combination or at least conourrence of parties ; the merits of his own administration ; his peaceful and liberal foreign policy ; the China dispute in detail ; and his "future policy." On the conduct of the Opposition he made some comments. While I do ample justice to the Opposition when I say that they behaved during the whole of the war with Russia in accordance with the feelings and the spirit of the country,—it would be unjust if I were not to mako that admission,—I must at the same time state, that in the beginning of the late session a change came over the spirit of their dream, and, from Kane cause or other, hopes and expectations appeared to be entertained that upon some question, no matter what, the Government might be put in a minority, and power transferred to other hands. It was first supposed that wo meant to persist in retaining the war ninepeneo' of the Income-tax duty. Disappointment followed that expectation : that question slipped from their hands. Other points were then thought likely to afford an opportunity of a political triumph. One after another failed. Then came this outbreak in China ; and it, most unfortunately for those who took it up, was adopted as a party question, upon which the strength of the different

sections in the House of Commons might be tried It is perfectly fair in the conflict of political parties for any set of men, however much they may formerly have differed, if they can agree upon a course of policy for the future, to take advantage of every legitimate opportunity that presents itself to dislodge their rivals and to place themselves on the seats of power. I do not call in question their right to do that ; it is in accordance with our political constitution. They are bound, however, so far to have c,ommunicated with each other as to know that there will be no obstacle to the formation of a Government in lieu of that which they wish to turn out ; and if they do see their way to make an efficient Administration, what then is the fair and proper course to pursue ? They should propose to the House of Commons a vote of no-confidence in the Government of tho day, and they should fairly ask the country to choose between the one party and the other. But I say it is not fair—it is not in accordance with the spirit of the British constitution—it is not in accordance with the feelings of the British nation—to take as a trial of strength a question in which ono party is to be arrayed in hostility to the honour, the interests, and the dignity of the country, and the other is called upon to maintain that honour, to watch over those interests, and to sustain that dignity." As to future policy, he said he would not give claptrap pledges, but perform ," the duty of silence" as well as other duties. But "ally Government worthy of the position must feel that no nation can stand still ; that England is not China; that the people of England are not to continue to be precisely in the same situation with respect to their institutions from year to year and from century to century. We are a progressive people ; and therefore progressive improvements in all our institutions must be adopted, and must he the guider'g principle of every Government that wishes to maintain itself in the confidence and affections of the people. I believe our institutions to be in the main better than those of any other country on the face of the globe, without a single exception. I do not say on that account that they cannot be improved. All human institutions must necessarily be imperfect. Ours in all their branches are, no doubt, susceptible of amelioration ; and the Government that shut its eyes to facts and circumstances and wished to maintain things in all respects as they are, simply because they are, would be a Government upon which the lessons of experience and the reasonings of men would be utterly thrown away. . . . Now, gentlemen, economy, no doubt, is a matter deeply interesting to the people of this country. The Government that launched into lavish expenditure without adequate necessity would not be deserving of the confidence and would not receive the support either of Parliament or of the people. But there are great interests which must be guarded. We do not, hire Continental countries, maintain large military and naval establishments in times of peace ; but we ought to have for the security of the country the foundation upon which armainents may be treated in times of danger. Our army and our navy, though small in times of peace, should then be so organized, and more especially in regard to all the branches in which science and education enter, that we should be able, when the country is threatened with danger, rapidly to increase our amount of force, and place ourselves in a situation of safety from attack. That is the limit beyond which the present Government will not endeavour to go. We shall endeavour to propose to Parliament such catabliehmenta as may be aufficient for the ordinary services of the country during a time of peace, but which. by their organization may be capable of expansion when danger shall slim; and more especially we feel it to be our duty to provide for the defence of those great naval arsenals which, if attacked successfully by an enemy—if destroyed by a hostile force—would deprive us of all our naval support, and would leave us open to any amount of invasion by a foe who possessed a better military force. Such, gentlemen, arc the principles upon which we propose to conduct the government of the country."

The nomination at Carlisle took place on Thursday. There were three candidates—Mr. Ferguson, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Hodgson. There was a severe contest yesterday at the poll, ending in the defeat of Mr. Ferguson. Sir James Graham's speech at the nomination was full of vivacity and point. He did not touch on the China question except in general terms. He condemned the Government for making war on Persia and concluding peace without consulting Parliament. He made an attack on the extravagance of our civil expenditure, which he traced to the prodigality incident to war. "I think that unnecessary places have been created, and intrusted to men that have an immense influence on the independence of Parliament. Privy Councillors have been added beyond the warrant of circumstances: a Minister of Public Works has been created, a Minister of Education, a Minister of Justice, and a Minister of Health, all with large salaries attached to the position, and all immediately affecting the independence of Parliament. I am no friend to centralization. I quite agree that self-government, as illustrated by our improved municipal institutions, is the basis and keystone of freedom. Just consider for a moment. We have at this time a whole flight of locusts overspreading the land in the shape of inspectors. We have Prison Inspectors, Factory Inspectors, Inspectors of the Poor-law, Lunacy Inspectors, Inspectors of Education, and Coal-mine Inspectors." Sir James was saying that "the time has arrived for a more general extension of the franchise" when some one called out "Oily gammon!" "My friend says this is 'oily gammon.' [The Friend—" And you know ft."] I am sure from his goodbutnoured face he is a just man. [The Friend again—" I am an Englishman."] Will you listen tome ?" [The Friend, persistent—"I am not a robber and murderer in the Crimea."] Sir James made no reply, but went on to discuss the Reform question, and told an anecdote of the House of Commons. "Lord Palmerston is, in my opinion, an old Tory of the deepest dye. It is very well known that should he remain at the head of the Ministry be will introduce the minimum of reform which the maintenance of his place requires, and the Tories will give him the maximum of support that decency will allow. That is the present state of affairs. To me it appears to be very delusive. I should not give my support to a Derby Administration were it to come in tomorrow ; but I do not think anything could be so unsatisfactory as the Liberal party led by a high Tory." The poll was taken yesterday, and at its close the numbers stood— Hodgson (Conservative) 529, Graham 502, Ferguson, 469.

The nomination at Manchester took place yesterday. There was much confusion and uproar. Of the four candidates proposed, Mr. Bright and Sir John Potter carried the show of hands : Mr. Gibson and Mr. Turner demanded a poll.

At Kidderminster, Mr. Lowe was beaten by Mr. Boycott on the show of hands, and demanded a poll.

At Dover, the two Ministerial candidates, Mr. Osborne and Sir William Russell, were opposed yesterday by Sir George Clerk and Mr. Hope ; but the Government men gained the show of hands. They are not sanguine of carrying the election at the poll today.

At Bury, Lancashire, the show of hands was for Mr. It. N. Philips ; Mr. Frederick Peel demanded a poll.

At Halifax, the show of hands was in favour of Crossley and Edwards : poll demanded for Wood.

At Portsmouth, the show of hands was for Sir J. Elphinstone and Sir F. Baring : pull demanded for Lord Monck.

At Poole, the show of hands was for Franklyn and Holy poll demanded for Mr. Denby Seymour.

The following important intelligence was received last night. It arrives by telegraph through Cagliari and Turin, and is derived from Malta.

"The Admiral at Malta to the Secretary of the Admiralty. "March 24, From the Agent at Suez, March 20. "The Bombay brings no news of the Hindostan. The passengers reported, that the night before they left Bombay a telegraphic message was received from Calcutta, stating that the Emperor of China disapproves the proceedings of the Governor of Canton, and had given him orders to conciliate the English.

" Also, that ii 'battle was fought on the 8th of February, about forty miles from Bushiro, between the Bombay and Persian cavalry, which ended in the total rout of the latter, with a loss of 800 killed. The loss on our side was 10 killed and 62 wounded."

A telegraphic despatch from Berlin states, on the authority of adviees from Konigsberg, "that Mimi(' has reduced her customs-tariff considerably. The duty on cotton and woollen goods is to be reduced onehalt The duty on silk is unchanged. The duty on linen is raised."

Some time since we mentioned with regret the probable retirement of the Bishop of Norwich, though the announcement of his actual retirement was premature. The near approach of his departure from the diocese has now been made known to his clergy by R farewell address. Norwich is the diocese which contains the largest number of clergy and of cures of souls of any in England ; the business therefore is very onerous. Dr. Hinds has for some years been afflicted by a severe and painful illness, which has tended to debar him from performing many episcopal duties, and from cultivating so close an intercourse with his clergy as he desired ; but, notwithstanding his affliction, he has laboured hard to fulfil such duties of superintendence (and they are the most important) as could be performed within his home. In taking leave of his clergy, the Bishop explains the causes of his separation from them ; thanks them, in language impressive from its earnestness and simplicity, for the aid they have afforded in lightening his duties and in supplying omissions, and i with affectionate importunity he urges upon them a pursuit of their duties, in a spirit of the highest and purest Christianity. It is a farewell which closes a career of utility under extraordinary difficulties ; and it cannot fail to continue the influence of the parting Bishop after his connexion with the diocese shall have been, as it will be in a few days, formally dissolved. Father Ventura preaches in the chapel of the Tuileries. In his sermon on Sunday last, it is said; he addressed himself directly to the Emperor, and declared, that even if his own life was moral and edifying, it was not sufficient if he did not stigmatize and drive from his presence all who might scandalize the public by their vices, their corruption, or their profligacy. He said the Emperor was in error if he thought his private acts were confined to the walls of his palace : they were not ; he, and men like him, lived in a house of glass, and no secrets were safe from the prying eyes and the unfaithfulness of courtiers. He told him that he was looked up to as a superior being, with powers for good or for evil superior to all others, and that consequently more was expected from him. He denounced those who might sell the favour or protection of the Court for gold, and who had grown rich in iniquity.

The Porte has issued a very liberal decree, prescribing on what conditions foreigners may come into and colonize Turkey. They are to take an oath of allegiance and become unreservedly the subjects of the Sultan, and amenable to all the laws of the empire. They will be protected in the exercise of the religion they may profess, and permitted to build places of worship. Land, selected by themselves, will be granted to them gratuitously by the Government. If they settle in Roumelia, they will be exempt from taxation and military service for six years. If they settle in Asia, they will be exempt from both burdens for twelve years. Thereafter, they will be liable to all taxes and contributions. After an occupation of twenty years, they may sell the lands; but if they quit the country before the expiration of that period, the lands and all buildings that may have been erected on them will become the property of the Turkish Government. Settlers must have been previously free of crime ; and should they commit crimes in Turkey, they may be expelled. The grants of land will be subject to this regulation

" As it is proposed to grant to each of the families that may wish to resort to Turkey as colonists as much land as may be suitable to its means, before they set out they must draw up and submit to the Legations or Consulates of the Imperial Government in foreign countries—where there may be any —registers, in detail, of their names, quality, means, the amount of their capital, and their professions. And it is decreed that each family must possess a capital of at least 60 gold Medjidiyes (about 1350 francs, or MI. English sterling)."