NEWS OF THE WEEK • T HE preparations for Mr. Gladstone's

funeral have so far gone forward without a hitch. The body was sent by rail from Hawarden on the night of Wednesday, and lay in state in Westminster Hall on Thursday and Friday. It was there visited by vast crowds of mourners—one hundred and fifty thousand, it is said, on Thursday alone—whose demeanour, though they were disappointed by finding the coffin closed, was in the highest degree reverential, all observers noting the completeness of the silence maintained. The arrangements, according to the wish of the family, were almost too simple, the hall not being draped, and the only thing visible a catafalque provided by Armenians with the sealed coffin upon it; but the vastness of the crowd, its silence, and the antique grandeur of the ball itself, made the scene a most impressive one. At the funeral itself to-day the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York will walk last of the pall-bearers, and the remainder will be the chiefs of both parties, together with Lord Rendle and Mr. Armitstead, Mr. Gladstone's most intimate friends. All the Princes and Princesses of the blood will be present in the procession, either personally or by their representatives, and so will the House of Lords and the House of Commons; but probably the most significant honour of all will be the demeanour of the crowd. There is no doubt of the genuineness and depth of the popular feeling, which cannot be mistaken even though it is expressed by many journalists in language of regrettable exaggeration. The latter have yet to learn apparently how greatly self-restraint strengthens expression.

In the eyes of this impatient generation the war seems to drag, but we are not sure that it is dragging. The Fleets are closer together, and the plan for invading Cuba is passing out of the stage of preparations. To imagine that the Spanish Fleet is not in Santiago is to assume an amount of official lying which is improbable, and if it is there and the American squadrons outside a great naval battle may be immi- nent. The danger of entering the harbour may be too great, but if the feat is possible the American captains, unhampered as they are by orders, and inflamed by the popular apprecia- tion of Admiral Dewey's exploit, are just the men to run a con- siderable risk. At the same time, they may wait until an army tas landed for the attack on Havana, because while they wait Admiral Cervera cannot get out to destroy the transports. president McKinley and his advisers have, we think, decided that the opportunity of invasion must not be lost, and that they must avail themselves of their advantages in the way of num- bers, pressing forward even though the slaughter should be con- siderable. They will, we imagine, land fifty thousand men, probably at a point about two marches from Havana, and thenceforward pour in men as gaps arise. It is Grant strategy, but it ought not to fail, and the pressure of opinion is severe. The Americans at heart do not believe that drill can turn Spanish soldiers into fighters superior to themselves.

The Spaniards appear still disposed to await the result of their naval operations in the West Indies, which as yet delight them greatly. The Cortes have publicly congratu- lated Admiral Cervera upon his success in slipping into Santiago, and on Wednesday Seiior Sagasta declared that the Americans "dared not" enter that port, a statement, probably made in order to tempt the American Admirals to disregard carefully prepared mines. The reconstruction of the Cabinet has been completed, but Seiior Leon y Castillo does not become Foreign Secretary. His services are considered indispensable in Paris, either to persuade the French to intervene, or, which is more probable, to arrange terms with French financiers for the payment of the next coupon. There was a rumour that the Government had offered the Philippines or the Canaries to France as the price of assistance, but the stories are denied, and are certainly premature. The French hardly want the Philippines, but the Canaries would give them an unassailable depot for their West African possessions. The Spanish Government is spending much money in improving the coast defences of Cadiz, Barcelona, and the Balearic Islands, and apparently believes that if the Transatlantic colonies are lost the war will be transferred to European waters. That is only probable in the event of America sustaining a defeat, when she would undoubtedly put out her whole strength in an endeavour to crush Spain, it might even be by invasion.

The result of the second ballots in France has been nn favourable to the Government. The Havas Agency, which is supplied from official sources, declares that M. Moline will have four more votes than before, but the Times corre- spondent, who holds no brief, assures us that the Ministerial majority is reduced to twelve, and those very shaky votes. He estimates the Moderates and the Rallied together at three hundred and one, the Radicals and Socialists at two hundred and eleven, the Conservatives at forty-nine, and the Boulang- ists and Anti-Semites at twenty. M. Lebon, the Minister for the Colonies, has been thrown out, and no one seems to doubt that the Ministry are terribly disappointed. They are re- ported, indeed, to be planning a resignation, but will probably take a vote from the new Chamber, in which there will be at least ten separate groups, whose cohesion cannot be relied on, except from day to day. The Government, if it con- tinues, will only live by the tolerance of the Conservatives, and if it defers to them too much, especially on clerical sub- jects, will be deserted by many of its own supporters. There is always the chance that among the new men, sixty-eight in number, some man who can master the Chamber may have been sent up, but failing that welcome apparition, the House will be only a heap of sand, not, be it remembered, driven into shape by the fear of a dissolution. The outlook for the Republic is, in fact, a bad one.

On Tuesday the Queen's birthday was celebrated in America with a most remarkable outburst of enthusiasm. At a dinner given in honour of the event by the officers at the camp at Tampa, the American and English flags were intertwined, and the bands played the national airs of both countries. The healths of the Queen and the President were drunk, and salutes were fired by a battery of artillery, and also by the 'Helena,' a United States man-of-war, and a telegram, which almost gave the proceedings an official character, was received from the Secretary for War. In the Senate the chaplain in his opening prayer referred to the Queen and her birthday in language which could not have

been more honorific had it been used in a Royal ohapel. After praying that "the eminence of the Queen's sovereignty" might be maintained, the prayer concludes with the following words :—" Knit the hearts of the two peoples who speak the English tongue more and more strongly together, that we may work out the mighty problem of the highest civilisation for the whole earth." The words, like those of all extempore prayers, are a little weak in form, but the underlying idea is sound enough, and, we believe, represents, not a mere evanes- cent enthusiasm, but a fact. Side by side with the events just mentioned, it is hardly worth while to record the absurd proceedings of Mr. Finnerty and his friends at Chicago. They have, of course, a perfect right if they like to protest against the Anglo-Saxon Alliance, or the Equator, or the Gulf Stream, but we cannot honestly say that we find it easy to interest ourselves either in their proceedings or in Mr. Davitt's marvellous statistics, which, if sound, would show that when Irishmen go to America, they and their children desert the Roman Catholic faith by the million.

The meeting of the Austro-Hungarian Delegations, which ended on May 2Sth, revealed the fact that the violent differences which separate the Slav and German constituents of the Monarchy now extend to the region of foreign affairs. The Slays utterly oppose the Triple Alliance as bringing nothing to the Dual Monarchy, and recommend a cordial understanding with Russia; while the Germans uphold the Triple Alliance, and make out of it an argument for their own ascendency in the Empire. How, they say, is Germany to trust an allied country which is not in German hands ? These debates are not of much practical importance, as the control of foreign affairs rests exclusively with the Emperor ; but they show that devotion to the Triple Alliance is rapidly decaying in Austria-Hungary. The difficulty for diplomatists is to ascertain how far popular feeling on such a point would influence Imperial action, which is intended by the Constitution in this department to be independent. As a matter of fact, the Emperor and Count Goluchowski go their own way ; but if feeling became savage it might spread to the Army, and then Austria would be neutralised. Several of the speakers, without mentioning the Army, intimated that this neutralisation had occurred already, but that is an exaggeration. If the Emperor ordered his armies to move, they would move, without the smallest reference to public opinion.

The Times of Thursday prints the greater part of the voluminous despatch in which Dr. Leyds, on behalf of the Transvaal Government, asserts that the British Government possesses no suzerain rights over the Republic. Dr. Leyds's contention is that bee awe the word "suzerainty" was in the Convention of 1881 but was left out in the Convention of 1884, our suzerain position has ceased to exist. Such a way of approaching the question is absurd, for Dr. Leyds's argu- ment could, if necessary, be met by changing the phrase and saying that the British Government holds the position of the Paramount Power. The only satisfactory way of dealing with the question is to look at the admitted facts. They are that the British Government has an absolute right of veto over all treaties made by the Transvaal with foreign Powers. This means that the British Government is the paramount and superior Power and the Transvaal a dependent Power : e., the Transvaal, though a sovereign State (like the Swiss Cantons, American States, and protected Indian States), is not an independent State. These being the facts, the question whether the name " suzerainty " was, or was not expressly given up is immaterial. We think it probable that the name was given up, and that being so, the Colonial Office should be careful only to use the phrase paramount or superior Power. Our legal position being so perfectly strong and secure, it would be foolish to enter into an argument with the Transvaal over the matter. If, then, the Colonial Office is wise it will endorse Dr. Leyds's despatch " ? answer," and put it away in a pigeon-hole. Dr. Leyds's other point, the demand for arbitration, is, of course, inadmissible if it means arbitration by a foreign Power. If, however, the Transvaal would allow disputed points to go before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, after the manner of Colonial controversies, there could be no sort of objection to the Dronosal. During the whole of the past week there have been persistent rumours that the West African boundary dispute has been at last settled, and that France gives way about Boussa, while we give up our claim to Nikki. That would,. no doubt, involve the surrender of a portion of the Lagos Hinterland, and so would be a compromise favourable to France, but it would, we believe, be fully supported by public opinion here. We must not be " bluffed "out of our rights by France, but we do not wish to deal with our neighbour in a grudging spirit, and can afford to be generous. Meantime, news has reached Paris of the successful issue of the Gentil Mission to Lake Chad. That will be a source of satisfaction, not disappointment, to Englishmen who genuinely desire to see Africa opened up; but the Temps is not wise in founding on M. Gentil's exploit vast claims as to Central Africa. M.. 14entil placed a small steamer on the "free waters" of Lake Chad, and found them stretching before him like a sea. The entrance to the lake is an interminable mass of islets, and it was this fact, no doubt, that made former travellers regard Lake Chad rather as a vast swamp than a lake. If Lake Chad is really an inland sea its political importance will be vastly increased.

The fresh trial of M. Zola commenced on Monday at Versailles, but was almost immediately suspended. His counsel objected to the change of venue, and though the Procureur-General defended the change in language of extreme violence, actually declaring that "the case is judged," the Court, while rejecting the plea, allowed it to be appealed to the Court of Caseation. That great Tribunal is independent, and on the ground that the change of venue was needless, will probably order that the trial shall take place in Paris. As M. Zola's repayment for his serious sacrifices is notoriety, this will be acceptable to him ; but it is unpleasing to the Government, which dreads disturbances in the streets.

Colonel Eustace Balfour and Admiral Colomb have been

out in the correspondence columns of the Times the old l)a c very interest,ng battle of "the fleet in being," and the alleged security it gives against invasion. As we cannot agree entirely with either combatant, we shall probably incur the ire of both; but in spite of that, we will state our view. It is quite true that it would, from the strategical point of view, be sheer madness to attempt the invasion of England while we had a fleet in being. At the same time, it might quite conceivably seem worth while to the French or Germans for political considerations to attempt a surprise invasion, even when we had a fleet in being. A Power bent on a great political coup, and with a desperate desire to do something big, might argue: We have so many men, that it will be quite worth while to risk seventy thousand of them on a surprise invasion. If the thing fails we are not so greatly injuredr and if it succeeds we have done our foe irreparable damage.' Personally, we hold that the irreparable damage theory is grossly exaggerated, and that the political gamble suggested would be a most unwise one; but we must not assume offhand that therefore it will never be attempted. We must be pre- pared to meet mad acts as well as sane acts, and must remember that the former sometimes succeed. But though we say this, we do not waver for an instant in our belief that the Navy is the only force which can prevent serious in- vasion, and that this is its duty, not that of the Army. Still, the Army and Volunteers may just as well stand ready to meet a political gambler's act of madness.

The House of Commons adjourned on Tuesday till June 6th, having spent Monday and the greater part of Tuesday in finishing the Committee stage of the Irish Local Government Bill. On Monday the sitting was prolonged till twenty minutes to four in the morning. On Tuesday, after the Irish Bill was reported, Sir Charles Dilke raised a short and some- what futile debate on foreign affairs by demanding than facilities should be given for a discussion of the "policy of alliances with military Powers not named" suggested by the Colonial Secretary. This plea for discussion was supported by Mr. Labouchere and Sir Ellis Ashmead- Bartlett. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, who replied on behalf of the Government, is not given to smooth answers, and after comparing the triumvirate above men- tioned to the three tailors of Tooley Street, he intimated

that if the real leaders of the Opposition wanted discussion, they had only to move a vote of censure on the Government. Upon this, Mr. Robson asked whether the discussion would be permitted if there was strong evidence of a desire for a debate on the part of the Opposition generally, even though its leader would not ask for it. Mr. Chamberlain replied to this demand by suggesting that the Opposition should settle who their leader was during the Recess, and then the Government would give them an answer. In our opinion the Government maintained a perfectly proper attitude. While Sir William Harcourt leads the Opposition it is quite reasonable to insist that the demand for a vote of censure must come from him. If the Opposition are dissatisfied with their leader they can change him, but they cannot expect the Government to accept as the mouthpiece of "the other side" any gentleman who chooses to pose as leader ad hoc.

Tuesday's London Gazette contains the official despatches describing the battle of the Atbara, together with comments by the Commander-in-Chief, and Sir Francis Grenfell, the General in command of the British Army of Occupation in Egypt. Lord Wolseley in his special Army Order calls attention to the march of the British brigade to the Atbara, "when in six days—for one of which it was halted—it covered 140 miles in a most trying climate," as showing" what British troops can do when called upon." In the final attack upon the enemy's position the Egyptian soldiers, adds Lord Wolseley, 4‘ showed themselves well worthy to fight shoulder to shoulder with our own." The Sirdar's despatch states that ." an observation was made, with which I fully concur, that had a force at peace manceavres attacked over similar obstacles, a better line and a steadier advance could not have been maintained." We cannot mention all the officers named as having specially distinguished them- selves, but we may note the praise given to Captain Fitton for the accuracy with which be directed "the line of ad- vance." Captain Fitton has made a special study of what we may call desert navigation, and is able to do by scientific observation and calculation what the Arabs do by instinct. The only difference is that Captain Fitton beats the Bedouin at their own business.

Lord Salisbury can hardly be called an artist in the matter of public honours,—probably because he lays very little store by them, and counts the undecorated coat as the more honourable. The list of birthday honours announced on Saturday is, however, dull and unenterprising beyond all precedent. Lord Muncaster, now an Irish Peer, becomes a Peer of the United Kingdom, and Sir Arthur Haliburton- the son of the author of "Sam Slick," the first of the American humourists—also goes to the House of Lords. Sir George Goldie, of the Niger Company, is made a Privy Councillor—an honour which is thoroughly well deserved— as are Mr. Alexander Campbell, Mr. J. W. Lowther, and Mr, Wodehouse. There are four new Baronets ; but the only one whose name attracts special attention is Mr. Henry Tate, the generous donor of the Tate Gallery. Among the Knights we note the name of Dr. Parry, the musician. The officials are of course largely represented, and in this list appears the name of the present Egyptian Premier, Mustapha Fehmy Pasha, who becomes a G.C.M.G. Another Egyptian honour is the C.M.G. conferred upon Mr. Willcocke, of the Irrigation Department, —one of the most remarkable of the men who have made our rule on the Nile the success it is.

The Birmingham Daily Post offers a suggestion which we would willingly believe " inspired," though it nrobably is not. Pointing out that private Members have now one hundred and fifty-four Bills before Parliament, of which only two have passed all their stages, while one hundred and twenty- three still await the second reading, which they will never obtain, our contemporary regrets this great expenditure of energy and inventiveness, and suggests that in future private Members' Bills should be winnowed. That is, a Committee should examine all in a brief way, reject all that are of no public value, and send down the remainder as fit for discussion in the House. There would be time to debate these few, and the legislative ability of private Members, which must in the aggregate be considerable, would not be so com- pletely lost as is at present the case. To those who think that Cabinet government is the inevitable next stage in the progress of democracy the suggestion will appear useless or even objectionable, but it will commend itself to those who still believe in Parliaments, and like to see them alive as well as living. At present the Wednes- days are in the main given up to faddists, who make the efforts of serious private Members seem ridiculous.

A large number of High Church clergymen have signed and published in the Times a memorandum agreed to at a meet- ing on May 2nd on the services of the Church. They grate- fully acknowledge that they have gradually obtained through individual action "catholic privileges which had been over- laid or forgotten in previous years of apathy or neglect." They think, however, that grave difficulties are arising out of return to certain practices which were explicitly or by impli- cation abolished at the Reformation. They therefore wish to define clearly the authority which, as they think, ought on all "variable" matters to be obeyed. This authority is the English Church alone, and the English Church expresses authority through the Bishops jointly and severally. No new practice ought to be introduced unless the Bishops have sanctioned or ordained it. Therefore those who sign the memorandum pledge themselves to make no omissions in the ordered services, and no additions, though they add with rather needless conscientiousness that this principle is not opposed to the use of prayers for their own edification during customary pauses, "provided such prayers arc inaudible." All this is very orthodox, and acceptable to the Bishops, though very much opposed to elasticity in the services, but we do not exactly see why it is put forward just now. Is it merely to dissociate the signatories from practices such as Mr. Kensit has attacked, and thereby to suggest that there are High Churchmen quite clear of the desire to imitate Rome F We thought that was acknowledged by this time.

We note with great interest the admirable letters which the Daily Hail is publishing from Mr. Steevens in regard to the alleged famine in the West of Ireland. Mr. Steevens shows in writing of Ireland the marvellous insight and power of observation which he showed in Egypt and the Soudan, and he shows also great moderation and kindliness towards the peasantry, whom he went to find starving, but actually only found living a poor life on very poor land. He notes one delightfully characteristic fact. The men on the relief works do not themselves work at all, but, as it were, sublet to a son. That reminds one of the remark of a former Chief Secretary,—" Every Irishman wants a post, and when he has got it, wants his son appointed deputy." Mr. Steevens's verdict, so far, seems to be in effect something of this kind. There is no famine, but the people are always very poor, miserably housed, and badly fed, and that being so, they and their leaders think it no sin, but rather a duty, to make use of the talk about the famine to get a little help. There is nothing, of course, very wicked in that, but yielding to it means stereotyping the present misery on the West Coast and allowing men to continue living in places and under con- ditions which forbid not merely prosperity, but even the elements of civilisation.

By the death of Mr. Spencer Walpole, which took place at Ealing on Sunday afternoon, the country lost a link which in no conventional sense connected it with the past. Mr. Spencer Walpole was ninety-two, having been born in 1806, and, what is more, he was the great-grandson of the famous Sir Robert Walpole's brother Horace. In 1852 Mr. Spencer Walpole became Home Secretary, and held that office also in 1858, and again in 1866. It was during his last tenure of office that the Hyde Park Riots took place, and the railings were torn down. No doubt the incident has been exaggerated, but it cannot be denied that Mr. Walpole hardly showed sufficient firmness. But though not a great statesman in any sense, he was a man of the highest character. He has transmitted his honourable traditions of public service to Sir Spencer Walpole, the present permanent head of the Post Office and the able historian of our own day. It is in- teresting to remember that Mr. Walpole married a daughter of Mr. Perceval, the Prime Minister who fell by the band of the murderer Bellingham.

Bank Rate, 31 per cent.

New Consols (21.) were on Friday, 111 1.