28 OCTOBER 1848, Page 5

fforeign anti Colonial.

FRANCE.—The prominent topic in the Paris journals is the approaching election of President, which has been expected to take place about the 10th of December. General Cavaignac's position dces not seem materially improved by his recent political tactics but his personal characteristics heighten the regard of his friends and disarm some of his enemies. The favourite candidate, however, is still Louis Napoleon, both in Paris and the provinces. His late failure in the tribune seems to have influenced his position but little. He preserves a discreet unobtrusiveness, but does not omit the favourable moves which his advisers prompt. A report having lately been circulated that an dmeute was about to take place in his name, he sent a memorandum to the public papers to this effect—.

"Well-informed persons having assured M. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte that cer- tain persons were labouring secretly to prepare an emente in his name, with the evident purpose of •compromising him in the eyes of sincere Republicans and the Mends of order, K Louis Napoleon has decided to inform M. Dufaure, Minister of the Interior, of the reports; and indignantly rejects all participation in pro ceedings so completely contrary to his political opinions, and so entirely at vari- ance with the conduct he has pursued since the 24th February."

M. de Lamartine is making a tour of the provinces. The covert object of canvassing for the Presidency hiving been publicly ascribed to him, he has, in a letter to a friend at Bordeaux, "expressly declined that honour, in the most unequivocal manner."

Marshal Bugeaud has come forward as a candidate for the department of the Charente Infdrieure, and it is supposed will be. elected.

The Ministry has undergone further change. M. Goudchaux—beaten upon a conciliatory motion made by liim in the Assembly on Tuesday, to refuse inquiry into the accounts of the Provisional Government—has retired from the Finance Ministry in disgust, or in weariness of his irksome labours. As the personal character of this gentleman stands very high, his retirement caused a considerable &Tin the French funds. His suc- cessor is M. Trouve Chauvel, late Prefect of the Seine, and formerly a banker at Mons. Dr. Recurt is the new Prefect.

The decree of the National Assembly raising the state of siege was pub- lished in the Moniteur of the 20th instant. The closed clubs immediately opened, and suppressed newspapers reappeared. But in the same gazette appeared a more stringent law against the press and the clubs, which the Assembly passed with the other law; and some of the reopened clubs have again been provisionally suppressed. Socialist banquets are given in Paris; the speeches at which, though trite and uninteresting, cause some anxieties to Government.

The discussion of the Constitution in, the Assembly was finished on Monday night; but there will be a revision of it, (which is expected to be very brief,) before it is formally proclaimed. An important change in military training is said to be contemplated— that of teaching all the infantry the artillery service, in addition to their present drill.

In the National Assembly, on the 20th instant, a debate of considerable interest commenced on an amendment moved by M. Deville to the article of the Constitution regulating military service. The old rule allows, as the English Militia system does, the purchasing of substitutes by those unwilling to give personal service. M. Devine proposed to follow the plan of Prussia, and abolish remplacement. The motion was approved in prin- ciple by General Lamorici5re, the Minister of War; but it was energeti- cally opposed by M. Thiers and his party.

General Lamoriciere, however, qualified his support. He had hoped that the Constitution would be voted sooner, and that the law on recruitment would be discussed soon after; but there was no longer any chance of that. He therefore demanded the postponement of the question, and its reference to the organic) laws. The present law would be sufficient for the present.

"The present law is of easy application; it furnishes a good army. It must be preserved for the present, for it is one of those things which must not be inter- fered with before it can be replaced with advantage. The army protects the country from-foreign aggression, and is the safeguard of order and liberty at home; it is necessary that it should have confidence in the principle in the name of which it acts. In those moments of crisis when the Monarchy was overthrown, you saw the army hesitating; and that was because it acted in the name of a principle which it knew to be weak. Now that we are entered on the great prin- ciple of the sovereignty of the people, the army will do its duty." the word remplacement was yet undefined, and ought not to be inserted in the Constitu- tion. Moreover, the subject could not be intelligently discussed till the Recruit- ment Bill had been seen by the Assembly. M. Thiers opposed the course of deferring the discussion ' • and a division having been taken on that point, the Government was beaten, by 509 to 259. The debate was adjourned till next day. On Saturday, M. Thiers made a brilliant and effective oration in oppo- sition to the principle of M. Deville's amendment, and in support of rem- placement.

Whether viewed in a social or a military aspect, the new principle was bad. To interdict substitutes, would shock the great majority in the country, and it would tend to utterly ruin the army:.

He answered the objections arising out of the supposed violation of equality. He thought the present :system had most of real equality. " Experience had shown that the substitutes, by an immense majority, came from the country dis- tricts: the countryman, who was thus removed from the fields to enter the army, found himself better lodged, better dressed, better fed than before. (Interrup- tion; marks of denial.) Yes, better fed and better taught. (Fresh interrup- tion.) He maintained that the countryman who entered the army was better fed, more moral. But on the other hand, the person whom he replaced was in all probability a young man who had studied medicine or law, or some liberal pro- fession. Would he not find his career broken if he could not find an opportunity to be replaced ? Would he not, when he entered the army at twenty years of age to remain there seven years, find himself a man ruined in hope, discontented—an unwilling soldier? Was he not likely to be less ardent in the service, to which he considered that he had descended, than the countryman, who felt himself im- proved by the change? But this would constantly occur if the system of substi- tutes were interdicted; and the result would be, that far from equality being pre- served by that practice, the countryman had his situation in life improved, whilst the yoting man of liberal education found his position altogether deteriorated." Com- pulsory personal service would be a dreadful, an irrational tyranny. It was the sys- tem of the barbarous nations of old. There every man was a soldier, but no person was perfectly disciplined; and the result was, that the military force was easily beaten. " Why was this Because the vocation of the soldier was not attended to; for where every one was obliged to be a soldier, few were good ones; as those men amongst them who loved arms, and who, if commingled with others of the same stamp, would have become obedient, disciplined, and effective, lost their moral strength when deteriorated by the contact of more sluggish, less devoted spirits. Yes, a speciality, a natural vocation, was required to constitute efficient armies. The same was the case for the navy. Never had the naval force of any country become famous if the seamen were not as it were specially educated for their duty—had not a natural leaning towards the sea: the naval annals of Eng- land and Holland were there to prove it. But, leaving aside the situation of the private soldiers of the French army, what, he would ask, was the system followed hitherto in France for the supply of the officers of the army ? First he might remark, that no officers in Europe were considerecthetter than those of the French army, and those of few states were equal to them: whence was this superiority? Why were they so sure of themselves in every conjuncture? why did they an strongly possess the confidence of their men? All was owing to their education. The tiers-etat, which constituted the enormous mass of population—which, in fact, had taken the place of the old nobility since 1789—furnished the great bulk of the officers in the French army. Families in easy circumstances sent their sons to the military schools; to enter which, be it remembered, a certain instruc- tion was already required; and there they perfected themselves in those various branches of knowledge which were allowed to be necessary for military command: merit frequently gave them their commission more promptly, and hence a lau- dable emulation was kept up. These young men, well-instructed in their pro- fession, full of spirit, and generally enlightened, were the very men best calculated to lead on troops in the hour of danger. By the system which would put down substitutes, this system of instruction would lose half its value, since the most efficient officers were nothing without brave and well-disciplined soldiers; and to possess the latter, where every man was forced to serve, would be impossible. Hence, the new system would clearly tend to destroy the army, both men and officers."

France held a middle place between the extreme systems of England and Prussia. The English, having great respect for personal right, had no forced ser- vice. Their soldiers were soldiers by choice and vocation, and it was not unusual in England to see men pass their hves in the army: the consequence was, that the English army was not the pleasantest to meet. (Good-humoured laughter.) But the system practised in England could only produce armies of a limited size —sufficient for that country, which, as an island, (lid not require the large armies of the Continent. Hence, when Napoleon menaced her with a descent from Bou- logne, the system was temporarily changed, and the mass of the male population were called out in the Militia. The Prussian army is differently constitute& Every man is obliged to serve; but because of this universal service, the time is limited to a year or eighteen months; and, in the opinion of Prussian officers, that system is not the best. It has been said that every man in France is naturally a soldier—that six months are sufficient to make a conscript perfect in all Ins exercises; and the young Garde Mobile is pointed to as a ease in point. There is no question that in France the military spirit prevails strongly; but that is not enough to constitute an army; two or three years are not of much avail to make an army. If all were to be called on to serve, one corps would be sound and high-spirited, the next perhaps listless and discontented : or, again, one corps would be composed of a greater number of the well-educated, and then they reasoned on the orders given; whilst the next would think only of passive obedience. An army so con- stituted can do but little, for it is badly organized—its parts are not homo- geneous. Any army animated with a good spirit may gain a victory, but it is only one organized as above described that can effect a safe retreat in the face of danger. In conclusion, M. Thiers conjured the Republicans of all shades of opinion not to destroy the present system established in the army, constituting as it did the great force of the country. He doubted not that they loved Republican institu- tions sincerely; but, on the plea of introducing the principle of equality every- where, to introduce a new system into the army, would be to love it much—to love it ill—and to love it blindly. (Applause, which lasted several minutes.)

General Lamoriciere briefly opposed the arguments of M. Thiers.

A remarkable personal scene then occurred.

General Lebreton strongly opposed the opinion expressed by the Minister of War, that a regular and well-disciplined army might one day become a danger for liberty. It was necessary to instil into the country and into the army the Repub- lican virtues of self-denial, disinterestedness, devotedness and love of country. Such sentiments he had always found in the army, and he could not conceive that it ever could be a danger for the country. No, there would never be danger from the army, unless it should see chance and fortune confer the highest ranks —(Murmurs astonishrnent)—unless it saw favouritism and camaraderie alone determine all appointments. (Renewed marks of astonishment.)

General Cavaignac--" What is the meaning of these remarks?"

General Lebreton—" They are reflections Which I make to the Minister of War. The true army, the army which has grown old under its colours, will never be a danger for liberty. I have just pointed out the only danger to the Minister. I shall not enter into any further details, but shall vote for the maintenance of the system of substitutes in the army." General Lamoriciere--" I did not at all expect such an interpellation; but the allusion is so clear that it is impossible for me not to reply. I beg the gallant General to point out (for there is something in what he has said which touches me very sensibly) in what, and how, I have ever deviated from the path of legal-

Hy. In whatever manner the selection of appointments is made, there is a cer- tainty of always finding some who are discontented. In all the promotions from

sections which have been made, I have not only looked at the services which have been rendered, but those which still may be. The manner of rewarding men differs according to people's feelings and ideas. All that I can now say is, that if I have violated the existing laws, it is necemsry that General Lebreton should fix a day on which my acts may be discussed."

General Cavaignac ascended the tribune with unusual quickness and said—" I have hitherto refrained from speaking on the question under discussion, and I should not have ascended the tribune, if the expressions of General Lebreton had not called for an answer which the Minister cannot make. General Lebreton, looking at the Minister of War in his seat, has spoken of 'chance' and' fortune ': General Lebreton was, like me, in Africa; he remained there long, and he knows

whether it was chance ' or fortune' which brought that man where he is. (Movement.) As to myself, citizens, if I have a surprise to express, and who have watched him for fifteen years, it is to find him in the second place when I am in the first. (Renewed movement, and cries of "Tres bien!" from the Left.) One thing astonishes me above all: it is that you, Monsieur, [to General Lebreton,] who were, like us, in Africa—who have followed all his labours—that you could not find another cause for his elevation but chance' or fortune '1" (Noise.)

General Lebreton—" When I ascended the tribune to vindicate the interests and rights of the army, which it must be said have been long neglected, I did not expect to meet as my opponent the President of the Council, who has always known how to respect those rights. I speak of acquired rights, of legal pre- scriptions, which have been violated; and since I am compelled to go farther in what I have said—" Numerous Voices—" Enough, enough. Question!" General Lebreton—" Those interruptions are useless; they will not prevent me expressing my opinion. I speak of acquired rights and legal prescriptions; and if I do not prove that the Minister has violated those rights, I am ready to sub- mit to the blame which may be attached, not to unjust and ill-founded but to calumnious accusations." Then, turning to the Ministers' bench as he was de- scending from the tribune, he added, "You are here to have the truth told you."

On the demand of the Minister of War, Monday was fixed for General Lebreton to make his charges in distinct form.

On Wednesday, in the course of some interpellations and explanations on the subject of a Socialist banquet at Passy, M. Dufanro, the Minister

of the Interior, expressed regret that the note addressed to him by M.

Louis Napoleon had been published in the papers: no such emeute as Louis Napoleon denounced had been contemplated. M. Pierre Bonaparte replied, and uttered something which called from M. Clement Thomas a violent

attack on the Bonaparte family : he declared that M. Louis Napoleon was no candidate for the Presidency, but for the Imperial dignity. M. Pierre

rushed to the foot of the tribune, and challenged the speaker before all the Assembly. The Assembly became excessively confused; speakers were called to order by name; and calm was not restored till the most excited members had left the hall, in dudgeon. The President suspended the sit- ting, and himself left the hall; and challenges were afterwards formally exchanged, in the Salle des Pas Perdus, between M. Thomas and Pierre Bonaparte.

.Ausrars.—The aspect of affairs is materially changed. Early in the week, the accounts stated that Auersperg and Jellachich had withdrawn

from Vienna to Inzersdorff; where they seemed to hold the Hungarian troops in check. Meanwhile, the Diet had further organized its rule in Vienna, and taken every step to assume a strong part in negotiation with the Emperor. The military position of Vienna on the 17th was thus de- scribed—

" Our condition is still decidedly military; we are in a state of siege. Within, numerous bodies of armed men are organized; and whilst outside the walls every commanding position is occupied, such as the Belvedere and the Leopoldstadt, bodies of troops from Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia, are advancing incessantly and hemming in the city. The chief command of our defences has been in- trusted to the Commander-in-chief of the National Guard, blessenhauser, and to

Lieutenant-General Biihm, who gave proofs of great military skill and courage at the battle of Ostrolenka. Both are indefatigable in their labours; and both of

them—which is curious enough under existing circumstances—enjoy the public

confidence in an equal degree. Messenhanser obtained his by giving publicity to all his acts. Placards, put up at the corner of every street, announce to the

population what measures have been taken, and what has occurred during the night. General Bohm is day and night on horseback, visiting the different points of defence.

"The National Guards, students, and workmen, who have now been eight days on duty in the rain and damp, are somewhat relieved by the organization

of new forces; but their impatience, in the state of suspense and uncertainty we live in has made them restless, almost disaffected. Some of the lower orders have also committed acts of depredation, which we trust are only isolated facts. "As the enemy retired yesterday to a greater distance from the city, the skirmishing has ceased; and the consequence is that some of the shops are reopened and traffic is partly resumed. Our postal communications are only open on one side."

Letters were addressed to the Ban and to Count Auersperg, again calling on them to abandon their hostile position. The Count replied with stick- ing to his old point, that he awaited the appointment of a responsible Min- istry of War, but would confine himself to a position of defence and vigi- lance. The Ban informed the Diet that they had only to order the Hun- garians to retire, and he would retire after them. He repeated, that he was an Imperial general, on Imperial ground, with Imperial troops. Deputations from the Diet left Vienna almost daily, to beseech inter- views with the Emperor at Olmetz, and urge on him a policy of concession and reconciliation. On the 15th, one waited on him with an address drawn up by Borrosch, which contained the prayer for an international convention. The Emperor received the deputation courteously, and gave the following reply; which the Vienna papers regard as a "puzzling emanation "— " I see with pleasure, from the address seat to me by the Diet, that it has in view the general benefit of all the different people of the Austrian empire: and the endeavours of the Diet to oppose rising anarchy receive my perfect approba- tion. I for my part shall neglect nothing towards the reestablishment of the necessary quiet and safety in the capital, and to procure the Diet every possible facility for its further deliberations."

The Diet deemed this reply so unsatisfactory that it sent another address on the 17th, requiring, as a sine qua non, the removal of the Imperial troops from Lower Austria, and the nomination of a responsible Ministry. But affairs now took a new turn: it was known that the Hungarians had retired within their own frontier, and refused to march again in aid of Vienna. In the House of Representatives at Pesth, on the 14th September, Kossuth announced the withdrawal of his army, and professed to state the cause. He expressed his gratitude for the sentiments expressed by the citizens of Vienna, but regretted at the same time that "no official declara- tion came from that quarter." As an advance would under such circum- stances have been an invasion, he withdrew his army, and he should look only to defending his fatherland. On the other side, the Emperor, on the 16th September, fulminated a manifesto against Vienna, as the theatre of the most wild and degraded. passions. HB declares that the governing insurgents there had retained their power by an act of horror having but one parallel in history, by unholy terrorism, and by the wildest intoxication of those they rule. Further tolerance of such things would bring the monarchy to rain, and establish unbounded despotism; and there- fore, though with a bleeding heart, the Emperor would oppose shameless rebellion in his residentiary city, and wherever else he should find it, by force of arms, un- til he had quelled it, and handed over the murderers of his faithful servants Lem- berg and Latour to avenging justice. He appoints Prince Windischgritz to the chief command of all the troops in the whole of his dominions, except those under Radetzky in Italy; and he gives the Prince full power to do all things "according to his judgment within the shortest time."

After conquering a peace, it will be the task of his Ministers, in unison with the Constituent Diet, to concert regulations which, without infringing liberty, will secure the authority of the laws.

The proclamation is dated from Olmiitz, and is countersigned by Wes- senberg.

Prince Windischgriitz was on his way towards the troops before Vienna, with a considerable army and a large park of artillery. Part of his force arrived at Lundersberg on the 17th.

CAPE or Goon Horz.—Her Majesty's ship Rosamond has brought news from the Cape to the 9th September.

Sir Harry Smith crossed the Orange river on the 26th August, with a sufficient force (the numbers are not given) to attack Pretorine; and the lat- ter retired with some strategic rapidity and skill to a strong position at Boem Pleats, on the Kroom Elleboog river. The road to his front was by a pass through a succession of low hills. An official description of the fight follows—. "On a reconnoitering party, accompanied by his Excellency, approaching the first ridge, the rebels suddenly sprung up, and opened a heavy fire upon

The left of their position was, however, quickly carried by the Rifle Brigade, Forty-fifth, and Ninety-first regiments; the artillery (six-pounders) opening at the same time a very effective fire. The rebel's right, having been considerably thrown forward, was gallantly attacked by the Cape Mounted Rifles, under the orders of Lieutenant-Colonel Buller, and driven back towards the pass, in the direc- tion of which the enemy were now at every point hurrying, pursued from ridge to ridge of the low hills by her Majesty's troops, and suffering great loss as they retired from the guns which opened upon them wherever they could be brought to bear. It was afterwards found that twelve men had been killed by one well-directed round shot- On reaching the summit of the pass, the enemy made a bold though fruitless effort to maintain their position; but, by a combined attack of the Cape Mounted Rifles' with a body of the Griqua Auxiliaries, they were at length driven from this their last position: on abandoning which, they fled in the utmost dis- order and in all directions, over the plain beyond, leaving behind them many horses and various articles of dress.

"His Excellency continued the pursuit for several miles, and until it was dark; but, it being evident that the rebels were completely broken, he halted for the night at Calver Fontein. In the hope of overtaking and capturing the train of waggons, he marched next morning, the 81st, at two o'clock, for Bethany, which he reached early in the day; and then ascertained that the enemy's camp no longer existed, they having fled, with their waggons, in all directions. On the march, evidence was everywhere afforded of the precipitate retreat of the rebels; a number of horses, &c., having been left on the road; 49 of the enemy were counted dead upon the field. Their wounded may be considered upwards of 150." On the Government side, seven officers were wounded, and 47 men killed or wounded. It is also stated that Sir Harry Smith himself was wounded, in the knee; but the official accounts do not mention this. Sir Harry Smith had issued a proclamation before the action, in the Na- pier style. After recapitulating the past, and characterizing the advantage which had been taken of his toleration by Pretorius, Sir Harry proceeded- " Choose, therefore, war or peace. The one I will vigorously prosecute; the other I will secure for the benefit of good men and God's church; and I will es- tablish such military posts as shall not be subject to insult in future.

" Pretorius is an outlaw, a proscribed man- and I will never communicate with him; the proclamation offering 2,0001. for /I apprehension remains in full force.

"Some of you rebels, I know, have large sums of money in the colony: beware, if you fire a shot, lest I seize them to assist in defraying the expenses of this out- break, which you have so treacherously and traitorously brought about, and in reimbursing, where possible, the good men for the losses they have suffered by i your nvasion, your threats, and your robberies. "The native chiefs are under the sovereignty of her Majesty, and can make no: treaty that is binding till ratified by her Majesty's representative. Any trea- ties, therefore, that they may have been forced into by the rebels, are null and void. "As I advance, whatever armed party awaits me I shall regard as having fired the first shot, and the blood be on their heads: thus murder and rebellion become united.

"So soon as I reach Winberg, I will hear what Mynheer Potgeiter and all peaceable men and loyal subjects have to represent to me for the general benefit.'

Ixnu.—The overland Indian mail has brought accounts from Calcutta to the 8th and Bombay to the 15th September. The news is very scanty. An overwhelming British force was under the walls of Motiltan on the 29th of August; but the attack was still delayed till the arrival of the siege-artillery, probably about the 4th September.

The disturbances in the Hazareh country continue: Captain Abbott is reported to have been attacked by a force under Chuttnr Singh, and forced to throw himself into the fortress of Attok. He is said to have received clear proofs of Goolab Singh's complicity with the Dewan of Monitan. WEST Irinms.—The West Indian mail-steamer Trent arrived at South- ampton on Wednesday, with advices from Jamaica to the 22d September. The most interesting news is that of the convalescence of Sir Charles Grey; who was so far recovered that he would return from his country residence to Spanish Town on the 27th. An angry contest was proceeding about the voting of public service money, and the 50,000/. of Receiver-General's notes. In the House of Assembly, on the 19th September, a bill to authorize the issue was brought up for a second reading; and was thrown out by the casting-vote of the Speaker. On the following day, the House adjourned till the 24th October.'

The Combined Court of Demerara was still, on the 19th September, ad- journed sine die.

The Negroes of Tobago, on the 20th September, were returning to work at reduced wages.

UNITED STATES.--The Halifax mail-steamer America arrived at Liver- pool on Monday night, with advices from New York of the 11th instant. The newspapers are full of the Presidential election ; which now seems certain to result in favour of General Taylor. Several meetings of 412-

portance had been held: a "great Mass meeting of the cartmen of New York," to express their approval of General Taylor as President; a "Free- soil meeting" in the Park by torch-light, at which speeches were delivered by John Van Buren and others; and "a great German Mass meeting" to receive Herr Hecker at Tammany Hall, for the purpose, says the Herald, to hear from his lips—just fresh as he is, a refugee from tyranny, and coming from the wonderful scene of German Republican struggle—an ac- count of the efforts, the doings, the hopes, and the prospects of Repub- licanism in Europe, and especially in Germany."