28 SEPTEMBER 1844, Page 4


A special meeting of the Dublin Corporation was held on Wednes- day, to consider a motion of which notice had been given by Dr. Mann- sell, in favour of Parliaments to be held triennially in the Irish capital. Much interest was excited by the expected discussion ; and long before the hour of meeting the Assembly House and the very street in front of it were crowded. The Lord Mayor took the chair about half-past one o'clock ; Mr. O'Connell sitting, as Alderman, among the "Liberal" members of the Corporation, on the right of the chair ; the " Conserva- tive " members, with Dr. Maunsell, on the opposite side. The "house" having been enumerated, and a quorum being present, Dr. Maunsell rose to move the following resolution; which he supported in a speech of some length-

" That an humble address be presented to the Queen, praying that her Ma- jesty will be graciously pleased to hold her Court, and to summon an Imperial Parliament to meet, at least once in every three years in her loyal city of Dublin ; also, that she will recommend to the consideration of Parliament the propriety of making such provisions as shall secure that the same shall be done in future times."

The time was peculiarly well suited to the introduction of moderate Mea- sures; for, strange as it might sound to English ears, he did not remember a time when less of party bitterness and more of good-humour prevailed in Ire- land. Ile rested his proposition on no comparison between it and any other plan, but absolutely on its own merits. " In order to prevent mistakes, it will probably be better to premise, in a word, that my objection to a Repeal of the Union with England continues to consist (as I stated in the House on a for- mer occasion) in my fears that such a measure would be productive of injurious consequences to the Protestant Church, and would probably lead to a domi- nancy of the Romish priesthood in Ireland ; which, in my humble opinion, would be inconsistent with the enjoyment of civil freedom." He proceeded to consider his proposition as it would operate on the Protestant interest in Ire- land, on England, and on the legitimate objects of the Repealers. First, as it would affect the Irish Protestants. "I will ask, would not such arrangement be, at the least, as safe for Protestants as the present plan ? What is now the position, and what may be the reasonable expectations of Irish Pro- testants? Two institutions, and two only, in which they have a special inte- rest, have been suffered to remain—the University and the Church. Now, I ask any reflecting man, will he engage that the Protestant University, already threatened, will not within a year be thrown as a sop to the monster of agitation ?" (Laughter, in whirl, Mr. O'Connell joined, taking off his hat.) [Town-Councillor Reilly—"That is an encouragement to agita- tors to go on." Dr. Maunsell proceeded.] Any throwing of sops undoubt- edly was ; and with respect to the phrase " monster of agitation," which the worthy Alderman had taken to himself, he was happy that he need not apolo- gize for its use, since it was taken as it was meant, in a kindly spirit, and with- out any intention of offering offence. There was no doubt that the University was threatened. " On this matter the handwriting of the Premier has but recently appeared upon the wall: the vision of those who cannot read it must be strangely distorted, either by their wishes or their interests. The question is no longer a moot one: the days of the University of Dublin, as an exclusively or special Protestant institution, are numbered ; and I will again ask, when the University shall have been sacrificed, how long do Irish Protestants suppose their Church, as a national establishment, will survive ? Surely, if the history of the last fifteen years be remembered, no one, not the most sanguine truster in statesmen, can in his sober moments fail to see that this establishment is already doomed—that the purses of the great English proprietors of Irish soil gape for that remnant of the patrimony of the Church ; to the appropriation of which they have already made a first step, by converting it from an actual property in the land to a stipendiary rent-charge. The ostrich hiding his head its the sand, in the belief that he thereby conceals himself from his pursuers, is a type of exalted wisdom in comparison with our example of folly if we continue obstinately to shut our eyes to those facts. No; let no one hope that a Minister whose mind is trained in mancenvres for tiding over poli- tical shoals—I adopt the simile from the Quarterly Review—will hesitate to slip these the two only remaining anchors of Irish Protestantism, as national establishments, if doing so will enable him to escape official wreck, even were it but for a session. I presume I need scarcely ask, are the personal and individual interests of Protestants at the present time likely to be safer than those of a collective kind? I will waste no time in proving, at this time of day, that if there be any patronage in question, it will be exercised less in recom- pensing the services of former friends than in purchasing the future support of renegade Repealers or nominal Protestants. This policy has been frankly enough avowed by the Prime Minister himself; it has been defended without scruple by the organs of his Government: yet, though all these concessions shall be made to the popular outcry, a period must arrive when to concede more will be- come impossible; and I ask those who know Ireland, will not that period be the commencement of the real struggle fur Repeal? By sacrificing the Uni- versity and the Church, and by postponing the individual interests of Protest- ants, the consummation may perhaps be delayed, but it will no less certainly arrive at last ; and when it does come, it will find the Irish Protestants a be- trayed, weakened, denationalized garrison of England, not even possessed of a spoil to mollify their conqueror. To my Protestant brethren I would than say—make your terms, before the breach in your bulwarks becomes indefensi- ble: despair not of saving your strong places; or at least, if treason within obliges you to sacrifice them, secure the honours of war. This can only be done by some exhibition of national Protestant strength—for there is a Pro- testant nation in Ireland, and they can show that such is the Case—by a de- mand that before further legislation shall be engaged in to our ruin, legislators shall see Ireland, Protestant as well as Roman Catholic Ireland, with their own eyes. We must no longer be objects of barter and sale between Irish lawyers and place-hunters, and English Ministers ignorant of our real position. If Irish Protestantism is to be Bold, we ought to insist upon the bargain being made in our presence. But, should the plan which I have taken the liberty of proposing to the consideration of this House ever be brought to perfection., I confess I see a future very different from that which now awaits us. Holding the Court and Parliament occasionally here, could not render the condition of Irish Protestants worse than it now is; but it would render them, in common with other Irishmen, more respectable as a body ; it would enable Englishmen to learn, what they do not now know, the actual position of Protestants in Ire- land; and if that was once known to legislators, a due weight would be given

I propose

to Protestant as to other Irish interests. Thus, I think, the piat. would vastly benefit the collective interests of my brethren in .-eligion. As to their private interests, I will only ask, would it be less advantageous to the Protestant than to the Catholic barrister to have the field of Imperial Parlia- mentary practice thrown open to him ? to the physician 50 have the squares of

Dublin, and the provincial mansions of the aristocracy, filled with the noble and the wealthy ? to the speculator—I wish Alderman Boyce were here—to have

the opportunity of urging his railway-bill within a walk of his own office ? to the tradesman to have his employers quadrupled ? to the peasant to have his landlord resident at his door, as a sympathizer and supporter in his daily toils

and wants, not an occasional visitant in the capacity of a collector of rent ? If these would be benefits, they would, I submit, be secured to the Protestant U well as to the Catholic resident in Ireland, and that without risk, by the plan I now propose. These may, to some men of very philosophic minds, appear perhaps to be individual and trifling benefits ; but in the sum of them consists the happiness and the glory of a nation."

Be now came to consider the effect that an occasional removal of the Par- liament from Westminster would have upon England. " I maintain that that effect would be a beneficial one. The days of the mock philosophers and pseudo political economists have long since gone by; so that I need not stop to prove, in opposition to their theories, what the common sense of mankind readily admits, that the substitution of a system of centralization and bureau- cracy for the ancient plan of local government has been injurious to England. To this change may be traced the Chartism, the incendiary fires, the Rebecca- ism, that have recently disgraced once merry England." Be touched upon the evils of centralization, the severance of rich and poor, and the " vermin of Commissioners and Rural Police." Nations have ever become disorganized when the grandeur of their capitals has arrived at such a pitch as to desolate the rural districts. Witness imperial Rome ; witness France after Louis the Fourteenth had succeeded in transplanting the noblesse from their provincial chateaus to the hotels of Paris. It would be beneficial to England to check this growing evil; and were there two or three political centres, the attractions of each would be neutralized. " Bureaucracy and commissionership would diminish in the exact ratio in which legislators and Ministers would enjoy op- portunities of obtaining knowledge tor themselves; and surely it is not being too sanguine to hope that both rich and poor would profit by the change. But another and most important benefit would accrue to England from the proposed plan--English capitalists would thereby become acquainted with the economical resources of Ireland; and as they would at the same time, I trust, acquire such a knowledge of the people as would give them greater con- fidence in their steadiness than they now possess, I cannot but hope that they would find here a safer field for their investments than in French Railways or Pennsylvanian Bonds. Why should not Ireland, with its noble Sauthern har- bours, open alike to the East and to the West, he the entrepot between the Old and the New Worlds ? Why is it not so ? And why do Liverpool and Glas- gow, notwithstanding all their physical disadvantages, share between them the profits of that position ? Is it not because the English capitalist is not as yet used to this country ? Bring British merchants and shipowners periodically to attend their Parliamentary duties in Dublin, and it will not be long before they learn, that Cork well deserves its motto, " Statio bane fida carinis "; that the plains of Munster. Connaught, and Leinster, can furnish abundant stores of flour and beef to victual their ships; that there is commercial talent in Ulster to supply their counting-houses with clerks, and travellers, and partners. Simultaneously with this acquirement of knowledge, I trust that they will also learn that Irishmen—Protestant and Catholic—can endure peace, and will in- sure it. These, I say, will be public gains to England ; she will make money of them. Neither will the balance of private convenience be against English and Scotch Members coming to Dublin. This city is not further from York than is London ; it is nearer to the great county of Lancashire, to most parts of Scotland, to all Wales. Surely the Eastern Britons will not oppose a great national benefit because they have to travel a few miles further on a railway once in every three years." Be examined the bearing of the proposed plan on the objects of the Re- peakre. " These I take to be—first, the obtaining of an increased attention to Irish affairs; second, a more powerful representation of Irish interests in Parlia- ment; third, the diminution of abeenteeism ; and fourth, the improvement of the economical and social state of Ireland. I know of no other objects that can legitimately be held in view by the Repeaters ; and I maintain that every one of these would be advanced by a periodical transfer of the Court and Legislature to this country. With regard to the first object—an increased attention to Irish affairs—I may, perhaps, be met by the maxim, . ceelum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt.' Here, however, the maxim is fallacious. It is with political knowledge as with language—it can only be learned perfectly on its native soil. Residence in Ireland would insure an increased attention to her affairs, because it would supply that lack of knowledge which has hitherto been the chief reason for the inattention of the English Legislature. Besides, an opportunity would be afforded to Irishmen for giving information without incurring the expense and inconvenience of a journey to London. And the air would so affect legislators, that no Irish gentleman would, werea Parlia- ment held in Dublin, be forced, as I have been, to resent the impertinent re- fusal of an Irish County Member to hear his representations on a matter of public concernment. The tone of the place would at least render this im- probable ; and the very fact of English Members coming to attend Parliament here would be a pledge that they would attend to Irish affairs. They could not avoid doing so. With reference to the second object of the Repeaters, it may be said that our representation in Parliament is deficient, and that it could not be increased by bringing the Parliament here. Bit be deficient, I have only to say, let its increase be a matter for future consideration ; but let us, at least, render effective that which we are now supposed to have. I say supposed, because it is my opinion that in the Parliament at Westminster Ireland is not represen ted. It is true that 105 gentlemen, calling themselves, somewhat indiscriminately, 'Whigs and Tories, undertake to attend there on behalf of certain Isiah counties and boroughs. Some of them are lawyers; and they generally do attend with praiseworthy diligence—to entitle themselves by party services to seats on the bench of justice. Others are sportsmen and gamblers; and they attend be- eituee London is near Epsom and Ascot, and furnishes other conveniences for the pursuit of their proper occupations. A few are gentlemen of fortune and rank in this country ; and they undertake Parliamentary duties—nay, often diligently tote—because it is their ambition to dine with a Minister, or an Opposition leader, OF that of their ladies to be admitted within some third-rate circle of London society. It is not upon such terms as these that Ireland ought to be represented. Yet the fault is rather in the system than in the in- dividuals. Such a deterioration of position must ever be the lot of provincials when brought to an imperial metropolis without a corresponding interchange of metropolitan citizens. The dignity, the rank, and the self-confidence of provincial representatives, are, and must be, overwhelmed in that great vortex : and when dignity, rank, and self-confidence are gone, where is the power to represent the interests of others ? Were these very same men to attend a session of the Imperial Parliament in Dublin, I maintain that matters would be altogether changed. He, who in the one ease was an unnoticed, perhaps a suspected stranger, would in the other be in the position of a gentleman in his own home. He would of course have a proportional increase of weight in the national councils; and thus a more powerful representation would be insured by home legislation, even though the actual number of Irish Members should not be increased by a unit. That absenteeism would be lessened by having the Court and Parliament periodically assembled in Dublin, must, I presume, be self-evident. It would even be a plus operation, as absentees from England and Scotland would be brought here for the occasion." Among the most vexatious causes of absenteeism, is the forced attendance of suitors at West- mister: but the local business would of course be done in Dublin every third year. Irish persons who take their families to Court would be content to await the triennial visitto Ireland ; and from the multitude of English and Scotch Parliamentary visiters, even watering-places in Ireland would obtain their share of temporary sojourners."

It remained to say a few words upon the feasibility of the project. " I may make short work of this branch of my subject. The plan is feasible, because it has in other times been carried into operation. With respect to the Court

there need be no difficulty, as it is within the prerogative of the Monarch to hold it where she likes—at Windsor or at St. James's, at Blair Atholl or at

Dublin. Her own gracious oil' can settle this portion of the question. Par- liaments, it is well known, were formerly held in various places—at Oxford, at York, at Kilkenny, at Trim—even, 1 believe, in the potwalloping borough of Swords. There is no legislative charm belonging to Westminster. The very foundations of our law—the statutes of Merton and Gloucester—were not enacted there. When this ambulatory character was not found to be preju- dicial in the thirteenth century, why should it be so now, when railway s and electric telegraphs have annihilated time and space ? Neither is the idea a novel one in our own day. It has been, within the last six months, advocated in the Edinburgh Review and the Spectator,* and significantly hinted at in the Times ; and my friend Alderman Butt informs me that a few years since its advantages were warmly urged in the Conservative pages of the Warder and of Blackwood's and the University Magazines. There is nothing, there- fore, either startling or impracticable in the project. Still men will say, ' The plan is a good one ; it ought to be adopted : but the officials and the shop- keepers of London never will permit it ; it is absurd to talk of it.' To such my reply is, . The slothful man teeth a lion in his path.' The convenience of Red•Tapists and London tradesmen must be postponed to the interests of a great empire. The opposition, at the worst, is but that of individuals ; and if it be beaten down, as it soon would be by an expression of public opinion, further impediment there is none. The records of Parliament are in print, and are at this moment in the libraries of Dublin in as perfect a state as they are at Westminster. Information on public affairs that may be sought from Ministers in their places in Parliament can be obtained here, with few and un- important exceptions, as readily as in London ; more readily, owing to the geographical position of this island, when it relates to the Colonies and to most foreign states. As to mere office difficulties, a few extra clerks—who, I should hope, would be selected from among Irishmen—would remove all of these." Be called for political unanimity in Ireland, on a measure confessedly good in itself. " It cannot be denied that the policy under which this country has for ages been governed may be set forth in three words—. divide et impera: The craft of English politicians has divided the people of Ireland into two armies of hostile factionaries ; and, under the conventional names of Whig and Tory, we have been hallooed to battle to our own great loss, but to the party gam, sometimes of a Sir Robert Peel, sometimes of a Lord John Russell. The utter folly of these contests cannot be better shown than by the moven- Donal changes that have from time to time occurred in the designation of the combatants. In Primate Boulter's days, your Lordship's predecessor in the office of Chief Magistrate of Dublin had periodical occasion to call out the military to suppress riots between the Whig mob and the Papists. Were an election contest to take place in this city tomorrow, your Lordship, as a Roman Catholic, would be expected upon party grounds to support a Whig candidate, while nay Protestant friends behind me would on the same plea be asked to vote for a Tory. Is there not absurdity in this ? What benefits have the masses of the Protestant or Catholic people of Ireland obtained from either Whig or Tory ? I ask this House, have they been sufficient to recompense either party for the cruel injuries that the feuds of English parties have brought upon our country—for the neglect of our social interests that these political feuds have engendered and perpetuated among oureelves ? Would it not be for the common good of all, if we could give the world a practical de- monstration that English political parties in Ireland are, as is the fact, resolv- ing themselves into their elements; and that, in the ordinary course of nature, those elements must, sooner or later, enter into new combinations ? " (The cheering, which had frequently interrupted the speaker, here became loud and continued.) He reminded his hearers that he spoke of politics alone ; advo- cating no latitudinarianism—no conciliatory concession on points of religious doctrine or practice. He concluded by exclaiming, " Let us, if it were but for the sake of novelty, give one unanimous vote for Old Ireland' " (Loud cheers.) After having formally made his motion, and finding that it had no seconder, Dr. Maunsell again rose, and made an explanatory statement- " He had consulted but two members on his side of the house, one of whom was Alderman Butt, upon the subject; and they had declared their approval of his proposition. Ile had expected that one of these gentlemen would have seconded his motion ; but it now appeared that they had changed their minds, and come to the conclusion that the present time was not suitable for bringing it forward ; and he supposed, that as his motion would not be seconded, it must fall to the ground. As for himself, he rested content : having done his duty, and stated his case, he now left it in the hands of his fellow-citizens." The Lord Mayor declared the motion lost for want of a seconder. Mr. O'Connell, however, making the motion for adjournment his formal pretext for a speech, said a few words on Dr. Itdannsells propo- sition— " Had the discussion proceeded on the original motion, I certainly would not have availed myself of the opportunity to make what might be called a Repeal speech. I think it would be unbecoming in me to do so. I am glad that the learned gentleman has been heard with perfect respect, and that the assembly has extended towards him that attention which was evident in all throughout his speech. He merited that attention and respect from his firm tone, his tem- per, and his manner. Ile merited respect from the religious feeling which he exhibited ; and, as to politics, we nearly agree together. He said nothing throughout his argument to which any one could object, as it is delightful to have even the beginning of a discussion conducted in such a tone and temper. I heard the entire of his speech with unmixed gratification, and in a great por- tion of it I entirely concur. I think his arguments were all but conclusive, and that they only wanted the proper conclusion to them to render them irre- sistible. (Laughter and cries of " Hear ! ') But, above all. I am delighted to perceive that his philosophic mind has ascertained the fact that the elements of society have been shaken in this country from their ancient state, and that a new combination has now become essentially necessary : may that combina- tion be founded in benevolence, and originate in feelings of philanthropy to- wards each other, all of us recollecting th.t though there are many roads to Heaven by which each of us may travel, there is but one road that leads to the political salvation of Ireland, and that that road ought to be trodden by all Lishmen, of every religious belief." He went on to notice the spirit of conciliation prevalent in Ireland; and recognizing his own title," the monster of agitation," nevertheless disclaimed all appetite tor the " sops " prescribed for him. He should be sorry to see the property of Dublin University lessened,—though the number sharing in its lectures and honours might be augmented ; and while the Protestant theological department was kept perfectly independent and untouched, for the use of tile Protestant pope- This is not perfectly accurate, so far as we are concerned : the Spectator has dis- cussed the proposition, with some of ifs more ohs ions advantages and oisadvaulages ; but has not heretofore thought it ripe for advocacy. It has never been so fully dove' loped, we believe, as in Dr. Idauuseli's speech. lotion of the land, a door might be thrown open that would leave every other department of literature and science to be shared equally by Irishmen of all persuasions. " As to the Church, I have never concealed my sentiments: I do not wish that there should be any Church Establishment in connexion with the State; but I would rather perish on the scaffold than be the means of de- priving any one individual of the interest vested in him. At the same time, I think that no Protestant should be apprehensive for the stability of his religion because it would be deprived of State support. Let him look to the Roman Ca- tholic faith : we have preserved our hierarchy against all the emaciating cruelty of the penal code : surely, you who think Catholicism an error and Protestantism truth should not be afraid ef leaving your religion open, not to persecution, for that can never occur, but on that Scriptural authority on which you say it stands. But it is delightful that we should come to a community of sentiment on poli- tical matters. It is clear that things cannot remain as they are. There must be a change; and God forbid that that change could be effected without the consent of men of all religions. I would consider that change not a blessing but a curse, if it were forced on any portion of the Irish people. Every hour tells me that other combinations are about being formed. They shall be met by me half-way, or more than half-way, to restore those advantages to Ireland which the learned Doctor would give us but once in three years, but which I would be for having every year. When that spirit extends farther abroad—and I be- lieve it is working to its manifestation, and will appear in the course of a few weeks—it will totally defeat religious partisanship, combining all in love of our common country."

The Council then adjourned.

At a meeting of the Conservative burgesses of St. Andrew's and Men-ion Wards, on Tuesday evening, the following resolution was moved- " That it is the opinion of this meeting that the proposition to be brought forward in the Corporation by Town-Councillor Mammal, in favour of holding the sessions of the Imperial Parliament periodically in this city, would tend materially to serve the interests of the city of Dublin, would assist in the strengthening and maintenance of Protestantism in Ireland, and thereby serve the best interests of the United Kingdom."

After a long discussion, the motion was negatived, by the casting-vote of the Chairman.

The weekly meeting of the Repeal Association was held as usual on Monday ; Mr. Francis Coluyn, of Woodstock in Galway, Ex•Justice of the Peace, in the chair. Mr. Fitzgerald, of Muckeridge, handed in 71. 16s. from Youghal, as the first instalment towards " the Impeach- ment Fund." Contributions were also presented from a few Protestant gentlemen ; among them, from Mr. Arland Porter, a relative of Mr. Grey Porter's.

Some new arrangements of Repeal business were made. The allow- ing " dra %backs " to local Repeal Associations, that they might pur- chase papers, has proved to be inconvenient : as the judgment which justified the reception of newspapers in evidence against the traversers had been pronounced illegal, and as the proprietors of the newspapers are no longer members of the Association, it was resolved, " That the system of drawbacks be abandoned, and that the practice be restored which entitles the subscribers to the Repeal rent to receive newspapers to the value of 1/. 6s. for each 10/. subscribed ; the newspapers to be Dublin newspapers, and to be selected by the corresponding contributors." Another resolution was passed approving of the establishment of Re- peal reading-rooms ; whereof about three hundred already exist.

Mr. O'Connell made some observations in correction of past pro- ceedings. In the reports of the Dublin dinner was omitted a letter from Lord Cloncurry, containing this important passage—" I beg leave to declare my usual sympathy with my countrymen, and my joy at the most providential escape from the projected massacre at Clontarf, and the projected martyrdom by means of a fraudulent jury." Next, Mr. O'Connell protested against something which had fallen from the Mem- ber for Meath, in speaking of the spy-system as employed by Govern- ment in procuring reports of the proceedings of the Association : he always found the Government reporters act as gentlemen, while their rapidity and accuracy were surprising ; but he strongly deprecated the employment of policemen as reporters, because they are incompetent and not always honest, picking out the strong parts of a speech without the qualifying passages. Thirdly, he deprecated some strong observations made by a gentleman whom he very much esteemed, Dr. Gray— That gentleman spoke very harshly of England, and spoke of hating the English people ; and he wished to protest against such language. He was him- self always ready enough to blame the crimes of the people of England ; but he could not remain silent when such general expressions were made against them —expressions that could only be accounted for by the hurry of a tumultuous moment. He totally disavowed any participation in those expressions, and the Association could have nothing to do with them.

Mr. O'Connell then came to the speech of the day ; in which he re- ported the result of the reference to a committee on the three questions of the Clontarf meetin, the Preservative Society, and the impeach- ment— Repeating several former observations as to the peaceable nature and legality of the " monster-meetings." be stated that he had held them because he had heard Lord Althorp, in 1832, declare that, " though he would think himself justified in resisting Repeal even at the expense of a civil war, still, that if the overwhelming majority of the Irish people demanded it, they were entitled to have it granted." They committed no breach of the peace. Judge Burton, in passing an illegal sentence on him, admitted that his intentions were peaceable, that he had the power to keep the people peaceable, and that in fact they had remained peaceable; hut still, the Irish Judges were unanimously of opinion that those meetings were illegal, though the English Judges unaminously pro- nounced them to be strictly legal. After that unanimous opinion, pronounced by the nine English Judges, there was no necessity for them to go farther in vindicating the principle of their right to meet. Were it otherwise, he would be for holding the Clontarf meeting at any risk. He said "at any risk," be- cause, though he knew the people would remain peaceable, and go to the meet- ing unarmed, still, if Lord Cloneurry spoke the truth in his letter, there might be an attempt to procure a massacre of them by armed soldiery. The Com- mittee had taken these matters into their consideration, and had requested him to report a resolution, [which he read,] declaring it on those grounds unneces- sary to hold the Clontarf meeting.

With respect to the Preservative Society, the Committee bad reported that the time had not yet arrived for it, and had asked leave to sit again. He would therefore move that they should have leave to sit again to consider the subject, anti that, in addition, it should be an instruction to the Committee to avoid in- troducing anything which in the smallest way could be construed into illegality. He the more readily consented to postpone the assemblage of the Preservative Society, in order that he might not anticipate Mr. Porter, who had promised them his scheme by next Christmas ; and in the name of the Association, and of the Irish people, he declared his readiness to acquiesce in any plan which could leave the people self-government, and which would do away with the drain of the absenteement. He was of opinion that every Irish absentee should be made to bear his portion in the expenses of the country, unless his absence was caused by ill-health. Mr. O'Connell referred at some length to a passage in the letter of apology for Thursday last, sent by Mr. Sharman Craw- ford, wherein that gentleman expressed his regret that the Repeaters had not admitted the Federal principle. Now, he agreed with Mr. Crawford in Reeking for a representative body for Ireland, competent to manage her resources and protect her rights. That was all he wanted. Mr. Crawford was under a mis- take; and he told him from that spot that he agreed with him, and would embrace any plan to carry out that object. He cared not by what ear-mark or nickname they might distinguish it, so as it gave Ireland to the Irish. They were ready to admit and join Federalists, and to leave that an open question; and he, for one, could not comprehend what kept Mr. Crawford from joining them. What a delightful moment it would be, when they found Protestant fortune and rank, and Roman Catholic moderation, joining them, and when they found the cry for Repeal spread over universal Ireland! Unanimity, let them remember, was victory ; division was defeat. The remaining topic was the proposed impeachment. They sneered at his plan in England. It was always the case. He had never proposed anything but in England they first had laughed at him, then abused him and it; then they vilified the measure, and himself, and its supporters; and finally he carried it. (Great laughter and cheering.) Now, he thought it would be impossible for the British Ministry to resist inquiry. They knew it was his intention, if the Association approved of it, to go through England some time before Par- liament met, and to state to the English people the groundwork for the im- peachment, and then leave them to act for themselves. He would put them in. a position to act for themselves, and in full possession of the facts. Mr. Smith O'Brien thought that the people of Ireland should not stoop to solicit anything from England ; and he doubted his own judgment when he found it opposed to that man's, whom he considered one of the greatest blessings ever bestowed on Ireland. He would model his plan to meet his opposition : indeed, there could be no variance between Smith O'Brien and himself; for he would sacrifice his opinion sooner than such should be the case, unless some great principle were staked. He anticipated, therefore, the pleasure of that visit ; which the people would be prepared for by the publication of a work now nearly ready, detailing all the events of the trial in language technical yet plain. He would thus, then, test the English people, and find out whether they would join the English Government or the Irish people. He had been told more than once, that the Ministry would resort to some violent means to prevent impeachment. There must then be some consciousness about them that the Irish Government had misconducted itself, and that it could not bear investigation. He would not be surprised at any act of violence, and he ventured to prophesy that some such measure would be taken ; but, whatever it might be, he told them that it would not tire the Irish people of submission to the law, and that, if consonant to law, it would be obeyed. After some further remarks, Mr. O'Connell moved that the Committee appointed to consider the impeachment should have leave to sit again. All three motions were adopted. In the course of his speech, Mr. O'Connell stated, that on Thursday he intended to go away to his native mountains ; and he had the pleasure of informing them that his pack was in most excellent order. During his absence and the absence of Mr. Smith O'Brien, Mr. Maurice O'Connell would attend the Association.

The rent for the week was 6001.

Further accounts have been received of the speeches which succeeded that of Mr. O'Connell at the great Dublin banquet, in the Music-hall, on the 19th instant ; but, with one exception, they were uniformly dull. Even the fervid Dr. Higgins, the Bishop of Ardagh, scarcely raised the pitch of the eloquence above the fiat level. The exception was to be found in the speech of the Reverend Thomas Maguire, Parish Priest of Ballinamore, He began by professing the utmost allegiance for Victoria, but none for her tinkering Ministers ; and he taunted them with having discovered, after Lord Melbourne's exclusion front office, the great constitutional secret that a Queen and her Ministers are "dovetailed" together. He confessed to a dread of speaking in these Tory times, because if he began he should speak out ; for an inspired writer says, no man that ever lived could tame the tongue: instances of which truth Mr. Maguire found in Chief " Injustice " Pennefather, Sir James Graham, "gabbling and intemperate Stanley," Lord Lyndhurst with his" aliens," &c., "licking, fawning, sycophantic Lord Brougham and Vox," and Mr. Attorney -General T. B. C. Smith, " who has more Christian names than Christian virtues." He pro- ceeded, amid much cheering and laughter, to report the state of opinion among Orangemen about Repeal- " But, gentlemen, allow me to ten you—and it is perhaps well worthy your attention—what the Tories say of our position ; for I am pretty intimate with them, and indeed I think I might say that I know more of the Orangemen of Ireland than any one of my profession in the kingdom. They say,' Now, Father Tom, what will you and the Repealers do?' I say, Explain yourself.' They immediately reply, You are now in a crisis—the crisis is upon you: what will you do?' I say,' Sir, our crisis is over ; we have got the cool ; and. we are here now in perfect health and strength, and in the majesty of our popular might. We have had a fine, healthy, slumbering sweat of three months; and here we are gloriously renovated, and possessing all the majesty of the physical power as well as of the moral power of a nation. But I say to y9L.1, Mr. Tory, (although you pretend you are only a Conservative,) that the crisis is now on England ; and I ask you, Mr. Tory, what will the state doctor pre- scribe for her? I tell him he has only two remedies, and I defy him to show me any other. I will now discuss these two remedies with you, Mr. Tory : one is the right remedy, and the other is the wrong remedy.' Well,' says he, what is the right remedy ? ' I tell him it is a very large and ample dose of justice to Ireland. Why, Father Tom,' he replies, 'you are a very bad logi- cian : how can you show that a dose of medicine to Ireland can prove a remedy, when you say that it is England that suffers from the malady ? ' answer, It is that we have thrown England into the fever. She has been wrestling with us, but it was Abraham struggling with the Irish Jacob-7 We have thrown fat John Bull into a heavy sweat. He was too welt fed with OAF bullocks and our sheep to throw off the surfeit. He kept us feeding on lumpers and horse-corn bread; which was very digestible food, and, conse- quently we have got rid of all our complaints; but the fever and the crisis is now on honest John, as you call him. But let him give a large dose of justice to Ireland, and we will be no longer teasing him, as we now are, night, nom, and morning, and keeping him without his natural rest.'"

Afterwards, Priest Maguire said, that if the Repealers had denied England peace, they had refused her war-

" And why do we refuse her war ? Believe me, it is not from fear. Yoit will recollect—at all events the Liberator will recollect—that at Castlebar L offered to meet any force they could bring into Ireland, on Owe months' no- tice. It was not then convenient for them to prosecute me, because I would • Our Bible reading is at fault here but perhaps the Parish Priest refers to some peculiar version, made for tire-exclusive ediEttation of Roman Catholics.

be my own counsel, and would have spoken some wholesome truths, which they might not like to hear—truths which, though it might be unwise for me to speak, might be good for my country. The reason why we are quiet is this— we are united and schooled by O'Connell, and determined to take his advice. Bear with me for a moment. I fear I am too prosy. ("No, no I ") The dose of justice we want to have given to Ireland, in order that she may have time to sleep, is—Repeal of the damned, unholy Union. We ought to have wisdom enough to take a lesson from the past. You all recollect that the waters of Jericho were so unwholesome and so sour that the people prayed the prophet Elisha—or, as it is in our Bible, Elisaus—to sweeten the waters. He did so. I tell you, therefore, that the waters of Ireland are naturally good of them- selves, but that, through social disorders, through religious bigotry, and through unfortunate sectarianism, those waters have been embittered. The mantle of Elijah fell on Elias—the mantle of Moses has fallen on O'Connell. He is destined to deliver the children of the promise, long as they are labouring under the proud court of Pharoah. I will tell you what—he, by a powerful and un- interrupted agitation, has given the waters a healthy taste. He has purified them by agitation, and by a certain Attic salt well known to England. By this salt he has purified them in such a manner as that the Orangemen are begin- ning to come to them. They are no longer the putrid, muddy, and semi- asphaltic waters they once were, but they are becoming pure and healthy ; and let me tell you this, that Orangemen of the county of Antrim are coming to the resolution to join this Association."

O'Connell, he declared, has invented a moral screw- " Talk to me of your steam !—talk to me of your atmospheric attraction and power !--talk to me, Sir, of the great original Archimedean screw ! But (non- nell has invented one stronger than all the others ; for, by means of his moral screw, he says to the Navy of England, Go, and it goetb,' and to the Army of England, ' Come, and it cometh.' O'Connell says to the Rhadamanthus- ' You want to preserve a kind of amphibious or dubious connexion in the territories of Queen Pomare : I say, come down here, get into the harbour of Kingstown, and then take the puff and make a show of yourself at Waterford, a spectacle to men and angels.' Then O'Connell begins to work his moral screw again, and says to the rest of the Navy of England= Ali, you want to be before Tangier, and you want to be before Mogador : be off instantly, and into the harbour of Cove.' Thus he commands the Navy and Army of Eng- land, and thus bespeaks tzaevery power in Europe, by means of his moral screw."

Mr. Maguire wound up by proposing as a toast, " The Protestant patriots of Ireland "—

"If he spoke for six hours, he could not say half enough of the Protestant patriots. They had overcome opposition and propositions ; and the moment they felt convinced the Repeal was necessary, they became roused to the emer- gency of the crisis."

The toast, we are told, was drunk with "the loudest enthusiasm."

The Dublin correspondent of the Morning Chronicle has proved his industry in research by giving some further particulars about Mr. O'Connell's Great Unknown- " Mr. John Grey Vesey Porter, High Sheriff of Fermanagh, author of the pamphlet for a Federal Union and Domestic Legislature, is grandson to the late Bishop of Clogher, Dr. Porter, an Englishman ; who, in the Lord-Lieute- nancy of Lord Camden, accompanied him to Ireland as his chaplain. Mr. Porter's father is Rector of Killskerry, in Tyrone, and proprietor of Belleisle, an extensive and valuable estate in Fermanagh, which he purchased from the Earl of Bosse."

Earl Fortescue has addressed the following letter to his tenants in the county of Waterford, explaining the circumstance of the bonfires seen on his estate when O'Connell's victory in the House of Lords was known- " My Friends and Neighbours—Having reason to believe that there has been some misconstruction of my conduct on a late occasion, and that erroneous inferences have in consequence been drawn from it respecting my opinions, I with to set both clearly before you. " When, on the news of the reversal by the House of Lords of the judg- ment against Mr. O'Connell, bonfires were lighted in various directions around us, I heard that my Corbally tenants had declined joining in them from an ap- prehension of my displeasure. I therefore intimated to one of them, for the information of others, my desire that in any matter of this kind they should freely consult their own wishes, without reference to mine; and I repeated the expression of this desire to the Reverend Mr. Cantwell; adding, that though rejoiced at Mr. O'Connell's liberation from what I considered an unjust and illegal imprisonment, I could not take part in any public demonstration of joy on the occasion, connected, as it probably would be, with the question of Re- peal, to which I am as much opposed as ever. " I trust, therefore, you will understand, that whilst I disclaim alike the right and the wish to control you in the peaceable manifestation of your poli- tical opinions, I have not in the slightest degree altered my own.

"I am always your sincere friend, FORTESCUE." " Summerville, 21st September 1844."

Lord Westmeath has issued a strange " agitatory letter," as it has been called, "to the dispersed Protestants in the South and West of Ireland." He begins in this fashion-

" Brethren--In these evil times, as I have seen some faint hearts among you and know of more, permit one of the dispersed of your body respectfully to give you a few words of counsel, and not to count it to him for presumption. The Snake has thrown a new lure—a Federal Parliament. Whether the in- fatuated Mr. Hutchinson it was who started the hare, or the Snake himself, no matter ; the Viper has adopted it as his own. Does it require anything beyond common sense to discern, that as far as the father of lies is concerned, he only wants that toy well packed with Popish influence and craft to blow up a quar- rel between it and the Imperial Parliament on any invented pretence, and then to arrive at his darling Ilepale?" In the midst of a great deal more such rigmarole, which it would be very difficult to condense, he utters this exhortation-

" Be not seduced by any of his baits. Hold aloof to the last. It is the trial of your faith. Let every Protestant say to himself, If I were the only one left I never would unite with them.' Nail the Bible and the Union-jack to- gether to your heart (!) Have something in your hand also (!) to make him repent who would approach with the rags ot an Italian priest to defile either."

The following protest by the Irish Catholic clergy, against the Charitable Bequests Act, has been published-

" We, the undersigned Archbishops, Bishops, and Priests of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, having studied with attention the provisions of the Act of Charitable Bequests, take the earliest opportunity which the unavoid- able delay of consultation allowed us, to declare our conviction, that the mea sure is fraught with the worst consequences to religion, and, if carried into ope ration, will finally lead to the subjection of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland to the temporal power. " Instead of a concession, it is a new penal law of the old leaven, forbiddiug the dying sinner, in his most sincere moments—the time of his last sickness— to redeem his sins by the bequest of a single acre of landed property for any religious or charitable purpose in our communion. "It enacts that Roman Catholics—perhaps Bishops—should they be found to consent, shall be the persons to carry out the spirit, indeed the letter, of it penal clause in the late Act of Catholic Emancipation, which excluded the reli- gious orders throughout Great Britain from the benefits of that Act. and against which the secular clergy, in a petition to Parliament, solemnly protested. " It provides for the nomination by the Crown of five persons professing the Roman Catholic religion. They may be laymen, who have neither practical religion nor faith to recommend them, and whose province shell be to judge of matters vitally connected with our doctrine and discipline. If Bishops, they will be called no, in the exercise of their functions as Commissioners, to inter- fere and pronounce in spiritual matters belonging to the jurisdiction of other Bishops; which is a flagrant violation of the canons of our Church. In cases within their own especial jurisdiction, they will have to decide, not in virtue of the inherent powers of their holy order, but by the licence and authority of the Crown ; which would be a virtual surrender of their sacred office and juris- diction to the authority of the State. " We beg leave, therefore, most firmly, but most respectfully, to protest against a Board so constructed, whether lay or ecclesiastical. Nit is to be com- posed of laymen of State nomination, we must view it as a step towards the in- troduction of faithless and interested politicians, to tamper with the indepen- dence of our Church. for the purpose of forwarding the Anti-Catholic views of men in power, and of promoting their own personal interests. If the Board is to be composed of Bishops similarly appointed, we must regard the novel project of selecting Ministerial favourites from the hierarchy as most calculated at once to create divisions in our body, to the wellbeing of which union and harmony are so essential; and to weaken, and finally destroy, the confidence of our faithful people, who, having expressed so much feverish anxiety at the mention of their clergy being pensioned, cannot fail of being alarmed at seeing them accept of places and patronage under the Crown. " For these and other reasons, ohich could not be crowded into a short form of declaration, we protest against the Act of Charitable Bequests, and declare our cde.Lermination to oppose it by all legal and constitutional means in our p This protest is signed by the Archbishop of Tuarn, the Bishops of ActIonry, Ferns, Raphoe, Kerry, Kilmaeduogh and Kilfenora, Ardagh, Meath, Elphin, Clonfert, Waterford and Lismore, Killala, Clogher, the Vicar-General of Galway, and five or six hundred other clergymen ; mind it is said that another list of signatures is in course of collection.

The Dublin Monitor gives the statistics of these signatures—" We perceive that one Archbishop out of four, twelve Bishops out of twenty-three, and about 600 parochial clergy out of some 2,500, have signed this protest. It is more than probable that additional signatures will be obtained, as every exertion is being made to render this act un- popular."

The mechanics and labourers who have been engaged in the con- struction of a farm-yard upon the estate of Mr. Naper at Loughcrew, entertained him at diuner last week. " A temporary tent or wooden building was raised in connexion with a shed recently constructed in Newtown for agricultural purposes, and about 180 persons partook of a very elegant repast. The building was ornamented by laurels and various descriptions of flowers, and lighted by candles arranged in such a manner as to add to the picturesque effect of the scene." The com- pany sat down to dinner about four o'clock ; a mechanic occupying the chair. In returning thanks when his health was drunk, Mr. Naper alluded with gratification to a house that had been built for him some years ago by many of those whom he saw around him— No one had seen that mansion without feeling that it was a credit to the possessor, still more to the mechanics, operatives, and labourers em- ployed in its erection. It was a noble piece of work, worthy to he boasted of in any country. Why was this? Because, from the architect to the lowest labourer who worketl at it, every attempt was made to give fair play : fair wages were given, and first-rate workmen were employed. But he could not conceal from himself the fact, that although the mansion had been standing twenty years, he was not yet able to see himself surrounded by the com- fortable cottages which it was the interest us it was the duty of every landlord to raise for his tenants. He had been unable to do this for twenty years; nevertheless, he had endeavoured to give the farmers comfortable houses and homesteads; and he bad done more than his means might have allowed him, but he trusted he had not done more than he cuuld easily overcome.

The object of the new improvement on his estate was to show tenants how they could best lay out a small piece of ground ; and the building in which they dined, it seems, was intended for stall-feeding cattle. He recurred to the condition of the tenants and labourers— He thought the time was approaching when the small farmer autl the la- bourer would be placed in such a house as he deserved to possess. But in order to do this, rest assured, the small farmer and the labourer should do what would entitle him to the advantage. He should pay a fair rent and do a fair day's work. He could not sit down without alluding to a volume which would add greatly to the prosperity of Ireland—a work which had been written by Dr. Kane on the industrial resources of Ireland, showing how they could bring their industry to the best market and in the best form. An anecdote in that work he could not help relating, although the relation of it might detaiu them too long. (" No, no ! ") Two or three hundred Irishmen were employed in a work at 8d. and 10d. per day. They did not get on rapidly with the work, because they were not well acquainted with it ; amid as it was znost desirable that it should be finished immediately, a body of Englishmen were employed at the rate of 18d. per day. This excited a great deal ofjealousy among the Irish workmen ; and they were speedily impressed with the opinion, that if they gave the Englishmen, who received 18d a day while they only got 8d., a good beating, it would not be a bad thing. But this was not the way to get higher wages : and, fortunately for the men, there was among them an able sod ex- perienced Irishmsn, an e ; they highly respected him, as they alwaye would a man of talent and spirit, and they obeyed his suggestion' which would enable them, he said, to get the same wages as the Englishmen. What was the consequence ? Before a month was over, most of the Irish workmen were employed at the same rate of remuneration as the Englishmen ; and it was not much longer before some of the men earned half-a-crown a day. He mentioned this to show that there was a great deal to be learned, to enable the Irish work- man to understand the mole in which his work should he done, and to gain such perfection in it as to be able, if necessary, to put two days into one, so as to have his work completed before the wet season arrived. He trusted before long to be able, with the assistance of their chairman, to lay before the public a proposition that would make the landlords of Ireland produce such houses for the labouring-classes and small mechanics as would put it in their power to bring up their families in comfort and pay their rent out of a fair day's wages. Perhaps the whole concern would not cost more than oue day's labour in the week.

To show the futility of exclusive combinations, Mr. Raper mentioned, that fourteen years ago he stood in that yard speaking to a body of Meath men who had risen to obtain higher wages : they have not obtained higher wages yet. What he advocated was a combination of all for the good of all. The toast of "Prosperity to Ireland" was thus responded to by Mr. Johnson, a mechanic— A great deal had been written and said with regard to the means of promot- ing that prosperity. Imaginary plans, which would take a long time to aCCOM■ phsh, had been suggested; but, in his opinion, the prosperity of the country was much nearer at hand. The great thing which Ireland required was that every man should do his duty. These were the words of one of England's noblest heroes; and he fearlessly asserted, notwithstanding all that had been written and said upon the subject, if the sons of Ireland adopted the maxim, and each in his own sphere did hie duty towards his country, success would be the result. There was no question, from the way in which society was linked together, that if one branch of it did not do its duty, there would be jarring and discord ; but if the landlord, the tenant, the mechanic, and every member of the labouring class did his duty, the prosperity of Ireland would be secure. He regretted to say that men frequently look to those above them to do the duty which they themselves should perform. That was the first in- stance upon record in Ireland where the operatives and mechanics had taken npon them to do their own business. A mechanic was in the chair, discharg- ing his duties with honour to himself and satisfaction to the company ; and mechanics addressed the assembly, proving that they possessed considerable „talent. The present generation was far advanced in mind—men's intellects were expanding; and while he entertained the highest respect for those above him in society, he should say that he met men of his own rank and standing with a tolerable share of mind. He therefore said, if each pledged himself in Ids own sphere to do all he could for the welfare of the country, without look- ing for something which might happen in a century to come, or might never happen at all, and endeavoured to work out the regeneration of the land by his individual exertions, they a ould ere long see prosperity and happiness in Ireland.

The festivities did not terminate with the dinner. "In the evening, the female relatives of the mechanics and labourers, and the boys and girls of the locality, assembled in the same building, and joined in a good merry dance ; the charms of which were not a little enhanced by good strong tea and cakes, and a substantial supper subsequently. Dancing, to borrow a phrase from more fashionable life, was kept up to a late hour, and the guests separated highly delighted at the entertain- ment given by these generous sons of the trowel, the hammer, and the plough."