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STATISTICS OF DIPLOMATIC AND CONSULAR EXPENDITURE.

THE Salaries Committee laid close siege to, if it has not stormed, the strong holds of political administration. Tho Treasury, which was first as- sailed, was pertinaciously defended by veteran chiefs, perfectly agreed in tactical combinations, and familiar with the weak and strong points of their position. In the assault on the Diplomatic service, resistance might naturally be expected to be desperate, from the renown of its principal de- fender, famous above all his compeers for hardihood and resource. From the changeful vicissitudes of an adventurous career, perfect mastery of all engineering arts, and an undismayed front in the most trying emergencies, the Foreign Secretary may be esteemed, far more truly than Lord Plun- ket, the modern Hannibal of politics. But despite of unequalled gifts, he has come off only second best in his conflict with the Burgesses of the Committee ; and the conditions granted him are more severe than to any of his companions in arms.

Both the staff and pay of Diplomacy have been unsparingly dealt with. Upon the bare facts and showing of the service it could not be otherwise resolved. In the existing eclipse or decadence of the old European dy- nasties, why keep up, anywhere, at full cost, their tinsel representatives? Austria, the most impassable of the feudal monarchies, has given way, and for an expensive Embassy in England has substituted a Mission. Russia had preceded her in the same economical course, and reduced all her Embassies to Missions. It is needless to remark that the United States of America have no royal fee-similes anywhere. Red Books and Court Calendars may still keep stereotyped titles and imposing denomina- tions ; but the heat of the season has permeated all, and the reality is dif- ferent.

Encouraged by the pervading example, the Committee have recom- mended that the Embassies at Paris and Constantinople, which together with extras cost fully 25,000/ a year, should be converted into Missions. They further suggest that no diplomatic salary shall exceed 5000/. ex- clusive of an allowance for residence. This is a most reasonable curtail- ment; for it is quite monstrous, not to say extremely invidious, to allow such lavish incomes to our ministers abroad as enables them to outshine the richest individuals of the states to which they are accredited, and to give "better dinners," as Sir Richard Pakenham admits ho did at Washington, than the first magistrate of the country. The Italian Min sions they propose to be consolidated ; and a central Mission established in Germany, in lieu of the numerous potty Missions at Dresden, Hanover, Stutgardt, Munich, and Frankfort.

Alarming inroads these into the luxuriant pasturage of the Foreign Secretary ! but he had no defence. With all his strategy, he was driven from pillar to post, and left without a leg to stand on. His favourite position, that a large salary is essential to the success of a British Minis- ter by enabling him to keep a good table, was entirely turned. Costly dinners given by Mr. Bancroft or Mr. Lawrence, in London, he allowed would add nothing to their importance with him at the Foreign Office ; but it was hardly creditable if not uncharitable in him to allege that they tell at Washington,—that 50001. a year, which is the salary of the Ame- rican President, is useful in social intercourse both with the members of the Government and members of Congress. The Americans, it was not denied, are mostly successful in diplomacy, though unprovided with the means of sumptuous entertainments. Dearness of living was sometimes relied upon as a plea for large allowances : Naples, however, is noto- riously a very cheap place ; but it is not cheap, we find, to a Minister- " a great number of English residents live there in winter." The politi- cal importance of a state was alleged : why, then, it was rejoined, " a small salary for Berne, and a larger one for Hanover ? " Surely the Swiss Republic is of greater importance than a petty German kingdom. Ah ! but there are "no sea-ports in Switzerland," and there is a King in Hanover. The predominance of the democratic element in governments, by which public opinion is made influential, was pleaded for lavishness,in America : but what, then, of Turkey ? Our Embassy at Constantinople costs 70001. a year, where public opinion has little or no weight, and need neither be bought nor influenced. Somewhat annoyed, it would seem, by these irreconcilabilities, Lord Palmerston cut short interrogation by generalities ; affirming that, in salaries, " anything like arithmetical measurement is out of the question"; and that absolute necessaries might be cheap at Lisbon or elsewhere, but to " live in a decent way, according to English notions, of course is always attended with expense." But the foundation of the superstructure is bad and untenable. To suppose that the poor bribe of a dinner can influence state affairs, is discreditable to all parties, and unworthy of countenance. Besides, if their Ferellencies be freely regaled overnight, they may think next morning, and with a bitterness aggravated by previous indulgence. Sir George Seymour, who is a diplomatist of thirty-three years' standing, is quite in accord with his Lordship ; he sinks entirely the meanness of the thing, and its sequences, and is most decidedly in favour of treating. " I 'consider," says he, ".that giving dinners is an essential part of diplomacy ; I have no hesitation in saying so. I have no idea of a man being a good diplomatist who does not give good dinners." (Minutes, 2261.) It smassks strongly of the old school of the roast beef of Old England ; nothing like it for getting an opinion or a vote. A comparative statement of the diplomatic expenses of England with those of other countries would have been instructive; but from Lord Palmerston's representation, it appears to be not easy to compass. Mr. Bright—" Can you inform the Committee what salaries any of the Ambassadors of the other European Powers have at Paris ; for instance, the Ruseian, the Prussian, or the Austrian Ambassador?."—" Foreign Govern- ments,are not very fond of telling you whet they allow ; but I believe .the

French diplomatists, before the late Revolution, received very much the same salaries at the different courts as our Ministers and Ambassadors did ; and I believe that in important places the Russians are paid much about the same."

"Are you at all aware what is the salary of the United States' Ambassador at Paris ? "—" No, I am not. The United States' Minister here I suppose is paid about the same as the Minister at Paris. The salary of the United States Minister in London is 2000/. with 2000/. for outfit ; and the result is, that unless the Minister has a private fortune of his own hi seldom stays much above two years. I might say that I do not think that the practice of i the United States in regard to their diplomatic scale is applicable. to this country, or to any other European country. The position of the United

States renders their European diplomacy a matter to them of very secondary importance. They are separated from Europe by the Atlantic ; they have no direct interest in most of the things that pass in Europe, and the chief thing that they want is information."

It might be imagined that information is the only legitimate end of the diplomacy of any state. Passing this point, the reserve of foreign governments on their expenditure in this line is more significant than the Foreign Secretary explains. It does somehow happen that stinginess is so universally odious that a prudent economist can hardly keep counte- nance : if individuals are liberal even to profusion they blazon it without scruple, and the same feeling seems to influence governments. If the allowances abroad would have borne comparison with our own, Lord Palmerston, it may be suspected, would have had no difficulty in making the discovery : it is the contrast that has made foreign states shy ; in- deed, it has always been understood that the extravagance of British Em- bassies embarrassed them, from the unfavourable position in which it placed their own Ministers, and that they have actually remonstrated against it. Profuse as the allowances of England are to her diplomatists, they do not, as before remarked, suffice ; and were they doubled or quadrupled, the result, it is likely, would be the same. It is not largeness so much as stint that equalizes expenditure with pay. With 100,0001. in lieu of 10,0001. a year to the Paris Embassy, it might be easily all dined out ; and that probably without increasing the variety, though the number of invi- tations might be augmented. In this respect a line is drawn—the Ame- rican Minister knows no disparities among his countrymen ; all are eligi- ble ; but the English Minister entertains abroad only his own circle at home. Of course if he is a nobleman plebeians are not admissible. This at least is Lord Palmerston's version of diplomatic etiquette — " As a large portion of the English travellers are persons who travel for business purposes, is there not a large portion of them who never expect to be invited to the Embassy at Paris ? Many of them may be invited to the

balls at the Embassy, but they do not expect to be dined unless they are personally known to the Ambassador ; those who are not personally known to the Ambassador cannot reasonably expect that he should ask them to dinner."

There is only Malthus's fare for them : they may come to the ball and sport a toe, but no plate is laid for them at the palatial residence, which cost 36,0001. in building, and unknown sums in keeping in repair. Leaving salaries, it is fit to advert to the duties they compensate. They certainly appear on the first view onerous, and lately to have greatly in- creased. According to Sir George Seymour's statement, they are oppres- sive. Upon being asked to give some idea of the routine duties of an Embassy, such as that of Lisbon, to which city he was accredited, he replied, that "they are very multifarious and laborious ; I can safely say that I worked •hard enough to injure my health." He breakfasted at nine, and immediately after "set to work and wrote till two or three

o'clock." - He had night-work too ; leaving company at ten o'clock, and then labouring at his correspondence till two o'clock-, answering the Madeira Consul, the Oporto Consul, the Consul in the Western Islands, and the unceasing inquiries of English merchants. At the Foreign Office, too, there must needs be great industry in dealing with the innumerable and constantly in-coming despatches from Ambassadors, their Secretaries and Attaches. Lord Palmerston is asked-

" Upon the average, what is the amount of official foolscap which those gentlemen cover in the despatches to the Foreign Office here, which come twice a week ; is it considerable in amount ? "—" It is considerable, and annu- ally increasing. I have here a statement of the number of despatches received and sent out from the Foreign Office to all parts of the world in different years : in the year 1829, for instance, the whole number was 10,760 ; in the year 1849, it was 30,735."

The multiplication of transactions, and the greater importance of events, with increased facilities and rapidity of communication, are the causes as- signed for this largo augmentation. Further explanations, however; may be' given. • Official despatches and the answers to them may not be so voluminous as heretofore. In private life the penny post has augmented enormously the amount of correspondence ; but it would be erroneous to conclude that the increase in the quantity of foolscap used has been pro- portionate to the increase in the number of letters. People now send and answer letters on the instant ; the postage is not a consideration, and they have no occasion to postpone writing till matter enough accumulate to be worth the outlay of a shilling or eighteenpence. Similar causes, so far as facilities of transit have been opened, have doubtless tended to aug- ment the correspondence of the public offices ; but it would be a mistake to adopt Lord Palmerston's "arithmetical measure" of the increase of despatches as the measure of increased business in the Foreign Depart- ment.

Allowing increased activity, doubts may be entertained of a correspond- ing increase of remunerative returns. In our intercourse abroad the co- operation of the Foreign Office has not always been essential to success- ful negotiations : instances were referred to by the Salaries Committee in which beneficial arrangements had been consummated without any aid from diplomacy. With Spain all diplomatic intercourse had been suspended since the retirement of Sir Henry Bulwer in the spring of 1848. • In the interval of two years there had been no communica- tion between the Foreign Office and the Government at Madrid. But English Consuls continued to exercise their functions at the Spanish ports ; and, strange to relate, the commerce between the two countries has suffered no interruption or detriment; it has, in fact, increased, espe- cially with Malaga. Further, in the interval of suspended diplomatic relations we have obtained commercial concessions from Spain which we had vainly sought by political negotiations dining the previous twenty years. . Her tariff has been relaxed on many articles that England sends to Spain ; and this.relaxation seems to have been accelerated by the circum- stance that we had no Ambassador at Madrid to excite the jealousy of the French Government ; nor could the popular prejudices, in the absence of the English Embassy, be so successfully appealed to by Spanish mo- nopolists, representing that our Minister was only striving for an altera- tion in protective duties for the special advantage of England and the in- jury of native industry. •

In Portugal, too, no reason exists for concluding that diplomacy has worked favourably for English commerce ; at least it has -wholly failed in obtaining any relaxation in her tariff, &c. ; on the contrary, Portuguese commerce has become more restrictive than heretofore. Sir George .8ey- mour thinks matters would have been worse without his residence at Lis- bon : but this may be doubted ; and the Portuguese Ministers, like Narvaez in Spain, might have been better enabled to deal with native interests and prejudices had political relations been suspended with Portugal as well as in the adjoining, kingdom. - Ambassadors appear naturally obnoxious 03 suspicion ; if they make a move on the chess-board, the Ministers of other states must needs meet it bfabounter-inove : 'thus resistance is organized, and the intercourse of na- tions,-.whether for commercial or other objects, more likely to be obstructed than facilitated. Then as to their assumed usefulness. in procUring intelligence and watching over the policy of foreign go- vernments, their pretensions are extremely questionable. State affairs have become the common property of all classes, not the exclusive topics of patrician saloons ; and it is difficult to conjecture what in- formation diplomatists can transmit; either earlier or superior to that open to every one in club or newsroom. In this the veteran Minister Sir George Seymour concurs, and owns that " a man must be a. very good diplomatist who will outstrip the newspapers." (Eridenee, 2374.) What the journals do not contain, Foreign Ministers rarely communicate ; of which the once engrossing but now forgotten Spanish marriage question is an example. Pending that Orleans intrigue, we had an Ambassador at Ma- drid and another at Paris, with large salaries, good dinners, and all the other assumed requisite appliances for ferreting out intelligence :. but they availed not. The match was arranged withont the ilightest fore- knowledge of Lord Palmerston,' and consummated in the face of all -his diplomatic yidettes. The long peace has nearly superseded diplomacy, and rendered the political relations of European states of secondary concernment. Commer- cial tariffs, railway communications, new postal arrangements, telegraphic intercourse, and conventions for the mutual surrender of criminals, now form the engrossing subjects of international interest and negotiation. For the due management of these, Consulates seem the chief deseriPtion of foreign missions requisite, and, under an improved :•ysteni, likely to be more apt' for the purpose than the pompous inanities of diplomacy. It forms a collateral branch of the subject, which the Committee only inci- dentally referred to, strongly recommending it for investigation next Ses- sion. Enough, however, was revealed to them to show the urgency of future and thorough inquiry into Consular establishments. Nothing can be imagined more crude and inefficient than the existing system as re- spects the selection of Consuls, their duties, occupations, and modes of remuneration. Of their qualifications the Foreign Secretary, who has the appointment of them, may be allowed to speak- " If I were to form my own estimate of the qualifications for the office of Con- sul from the estimate made by those who apply for the appointment, I should say that every former condition of life is considered a qualification for being a Consul : whether a man has been in private life without any employment, or whether he huts been a lawyer, or a merchant, or in the Army, or m the Nam they all consider that they can fulfil the duties." Foreigners many, or naval or military officers on half-pay, they are certainly a motley class ; and the appointment is worth seeking : sonic of them, as those to Egypt, Algiers, Venice, Hamburg. Havana, Manilla, Tripoli, and Tunis, with not oppressive duties, have incomes of from 1800/. to not less than 1000/. per annum.