" WASIITNGTON, Sept. 8, 1861.
" The Russian Minister, M. de Stoeckl, had an audience of the President on Saturday, and read to him the following despatch:
Translation.] " ' Sr. PETERSBURG, July 10,1861. " M. DE STOECEL, &c.—Sir,—From the beginning of the conflict which divides the United States of America, you have been desired to make known to the Federal Government the deep interest with which our august master was observing the development of a crisis which keeps in question the prosperity and even the existence of the Union. The Emperor profoundly regrets to see that the hope of a peaceful solution is not realized, and that American citizens, already in arms, are ready to let loose upon their country the most formidable of the scourges of political society—a civil war.
" ' For more than eighty years that it has existed, the American Union owes its independence, its towering rise, and its progress, to the concord of its mem- bers, concentrated under the auspices of its illustrious founder, by institutions which have been able to reconcile the Union with liberty. This Union has been faithful. It has exhibited to the world the spectacle of a prosperity without example in the annals of history. It would be deplorable that, after so conclusive an experience, the United States should be hurried into a breach of the solemn compset which up to this time has made their power. In spite of the diversity of their Constitutions, and of their interests, and perhaps even because of their diversity, Providence seems to urge them to draw closer the traditional bond, which is the basis of the very conditions of their political existence. In any event, the sacrifices which they might impose upon themselves to maintain it are beyond comparison with those which dissolution would bring after it. United they perfect themselves; isolated, they are paralyzed.
". rile struggle which unhappily has arisen can neither be indefinitely pro- longed, nor lead to the total destruction of one of the parties. Sooner or later it will be necessary to come to some settlement, whatever it may be, which may cause the divergent interests now actually in conflict to coexist. The American nation would then give a proof of„, high political wisdom in seeking in common such a settlement befoit a uselets effusion of blood, a barren squandering of strength and of public riches, and acts of violence and reciprocal refusals shall have come to deepen an abyss between the two parties of the Confederation, to end, definitely, in their mutual exhaustion, and in the ruin, perhaps irreparable, of their commercial and political power.
" Our august master cannot resign himself to admit such deplorable antici- pations. " ' His Imperial Majesty still places his confidence in that practical good sense of the citizens of the Union who appreciate so judiciously their true interests. His Majesty is happy to believe that the members of the Federal Government and the influential men of the two parties will seize all occasions, and will unite all their efforts to calm the effervescence of the passions. There are no interests so divergent that it may not be possible to reconcile them by labouring to that end with zeal and perseverance, in a spirit of justice and moderation.
" ' If, within the limits of your friendly relations, your language and your councils may contribute to this result, you will respond, Sir, to the intentions of his Majesty the Emperor in devoting to this the personal influence which you may have been able to acquire during your long residence at Washington, and the consideration which belongs to your character as the representative of a sovereign animated by the most friendly sentiments towards the American Union. This Union is not simply in our eyes an element essential to the uni- versal political equilibrium; it constitutes, besides, a nation to which our august master and all Russia have pledged the most friendly interest, for the two coun- tries, placed at the extremities of the two worlds, both in the ascending periods of their development, appear called to a natural community of interests and of sympathies, of which they have already given mutual proofs to each other.
" I do not wish here to approach any of the questions which divide the United States. We are not called upon to express ourselves in this contest. The pre- ceding considerations have no other object than to attest the lively solicitude of the Emperor in the presence of the dangers which menace the American Union, and the sincere wishes which his Majesty entertains for the maintenance of that great work so laboriously raised, and which appeared so rich in its future. " ' It is in this sense, sir, that I desire you to express yourself, as well to the members of the General Government as to the influential persons whom you may meet, giving them the assurance that in every event the American nation may count upon the most cordial sympathy on the part of our august Master during the important crisis which it is passing through at present.
" Receive, Sir, the expression of mi e very deep consideration,
)
GORTSCHAKOFF.' "
The Secretary of State has delivered to M. Stoeckl the following acknowledgment :
DBPARTHENT OR STATE, WASHINGTON, Sept. 7, 1861. "The Secretary of State of the United States is authorized by the President to express to M. de Stoeckl, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty the Emperor of Russia, his profound sense of the liberal, friendly, and magnanimous sentiments of his Majesty on the subject of internal differences, which for a time have seemed to threaten the American Union, as they are com- municate' in the instruction from Prince gertscluiliefflo M. de Stoeckl, and by him read, by his Majesty's direction, to the President of the United States and the Secretary of State. M. de Sbasekl 'at .pres.s to his Government the satis- action with which the Government regard* this new guaranty of a friendship between tbe two countries, which Rad its beginning with the national existence of the United. States. The Secretary of State offers to M. de Stoeckl reuewed as- surances of his high consideration.
" M. Ed. de Stoeckl, &c." " WILLIAM H. SEWARD."
Our latest accounts by the mails extend to the 14th instant, but a telegram has been received, vid Cape Race, of three days later. It announces that General Lee had attacked the Federal entrenchments at Cheat Mountain, but had been repulsed with great loss ; but it is still doubtful if this does not refer to a slight skirmish of a few days before. Previous to this date the most important news was the decision of the Kentucky Legislature, by a vote of 71 to 26, that the Confederates must quit the State, but that the Federalists might remain. This resolution was announced to Governor Magoffin, who is favourable to secession, but he has " bowed to the will of the people," as Americans think it honourable to do, and ordered the Southern troops unconditionally out of Kentucky. The advantage thus gained is very great, as Kentucky is, at all events, closed to the South. Anarchy still continues in Missouri ; the papers reporting incessant attacks, repulses, and raids, none of which produce any effect but slaughter. General Fremont, however, has not begun to descend the river, and the rumour of his supersession is unfounded. The Commissioner, Colonel Meigs, reported to have been despatched to his camp, has gone there as Quartermaster-General on business of the department, and Mr. Blair on a private affair. There is no proof that the proclamation freeing the slaves has been condemned, or even objected to, by the Cabinet, though the democrats are irri- tated by its abolitionist tendency. On the Eastern side nothing has occurred beyond a few skirmishes of little importance, but experienced European officers pronounce Washington safe, and a plot to seize Maryland has been detected and frustrated. The Legislature was, it is said, to have met on the 17th of September, and declare the State out of the Union. On the same day, the Southern forces were to have entered the State, while a local organization took possession of Baltimore. The Cabinet, how- ever, had information of the design, and ordered the arrest of the ten Baltimore members of the Legislature, suppressed two pro-Southern papers, and ordered that the pay of the police force suspended three months ago from their functions should at once cease. It is believed that these steps will be sufficient, and that the Legislature will meet in a humbler mood. One of the many skirmishes reported was of some importance, 2000 Federalists having, in General McClellan's opinion, behaved very well under a heavy fire, so well that he con- cludes his despatch with the remark : "We shall have no more Bull Run affairs." At New York, complaints are made of tardy enlist. ments, and General Mitchell, in a speech on the war, said the Americans were far too fond of cannon with which they could hit at four miles' distance, and the soldiers were clamorous for rifles which could be used at eight hundred yards. They should go closer.
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