29 AUGUST 1835, Page 11

TOPICS OF THE DAY.

STATE OF THE COUNTRY.

CANNING predicted that the House of Lords could not long co- exist with a Reformed House of Commons: we arc now testing the truth of this prediction. The Peers will not yield up any of the abuses by which they and their satellites profit, to the demand of the Nation fiir Reform; and the Commons are resolved

not to be battled by the Peers. The question at issue then is, whether the People of England shsli be ruled by Representatives of their own choice, or by the Irresponsible Oligarchy. In this state of nffairs, it is useful to consider the exact position of the contenting powers. And first let us turn to the Ministry.

We have seen Lord Mesnotetee and his colleagues trim- phreitly carrying, measure,: of the greatest impertanee, and highly

approved of by the Country, through the House of Commons. Those measures have either been rejected, ar deprived of all that rendered them acceptable to the Comm.ms, the largest majority of Peers ever arrayed agsiest any Ministry of modern times.

Before the passing of the Reform Act, an Administration so cir- cumstanced must have resigned ; as, upon a dissolution of Par-

liament, the hostile Peers could have secured the return of a ma- jority of Members to the House of Commons. But the tinies are altered ; and notwithstanding the insolent ilinendoes and reports of the Tory journals, Lord alesnottesre, backed as he is by the National Representatives, retains the Premiership in de- fiance of the Peers. He will not, cannot resign, as long as he receives that support. He is bound to repay the exertions of the Reformers by affording them all the aid and countenance which the possession of the powers of the Executive Government

enables him to give. lie must not, meet for a short pesiod, relin-

quish those powers to men who would use thorn desperately and for the detriment of the common-weal. No doubt, the reckless and rapacious Totes would gladly return to office, were it may

for six months and with the certainty of being again ignomi- niously terned out next spring. But Lord MELBOURNE will not

play their game by opening the door to them. No—let the Tories, if they dare, again turn out the People's Ministry in the recess : ample revenge. for the insult would be taken by that People's Representatives when next they met together in Par- liament.

Lord Meosnornree is Premier in defiance of the Court as well as of the Oligarchy. He mist continue to despise the rudeness intended to insult Kira in that quarter. However unhandsome the privileged language indulged in behind his back, however ill-bred and spiteful the behaviour he encounters face to face, lie will remember that the {Arty so conducting himself is the one who is degraded, not the object of his vulgar impertinence. It would be pitiful indeed, if one of the most pointer Ministers England ever saw were to resign his post and all his powers of benefiting his countrymen on such ground.

This, then, is the position of Ministers : they are the responsible rulers of the country, in defiance of theCourt and the House of Peers.

They should keep this always in mind. Nothing is to be gained by the sneaking arts of truckling to conciliate foes. Experience has proved all such efforts to be unavailing for the end proposed, and productive only of dissatisfaction and disgust among their earnest

and honest supporters. Lord ME kBOURNE will not, therefore, insult the House of Commons by proposing any thing like a compromise of

the principle of any of the bills which the Lords have mutilated. In the Municipal Bill, for instance, it would be infatuation to give way. Hal the Peers confined their " amendments" to such points as did not interfere with the working of the measure—such

as the reservation of the Parliamentary franchise to the freemen— rather than lose the bill it would have been right to yield. But they have legislated on a principle quite opposite to that on which

the Commons proceeded. They struck out of the preamble the allegation of dsfeetive charters and misconduct on the part of the Corporations, and consistently proceeded to retain nearly all that was most hatefil and corrupt in the old system. It is impossible for the Commons to come to any agreement nOth a body of men

who legislate with intentions diametr'cally opposed to their own. If the Ministers should unadvisedly avempt to effect a compro- mise, we can tell them what would te their situation in a full House—they would be abandoned by ISO or lee of the Indepen- dent Members, and find themselves leaning on Tory support for the mutilation of a measure which they had carried by the aid of the men whom they desert. Such a proceeding would be suicidal: it would damage them irretrievably with the Country ; and at the election which the Tories in their triumph would soon have, there would not be fifty 'Whigs returned to the House of Commons. While pointing out the consequences of truckling to the Peers, it is bet just to add, that the whole of Lord MELBOURNE'S conduct, since he has been Premier, satisfies us that be never could save- tion any thing so degrading, so destructive of his own characer, and of the Administration which he heads.

The position of the Liberal tnajority of the House of Commons is identified with that of the Ministry, so long as the Jaffee main- tains an independent attitude. The House of Commons is in a state of caision with the Court and the Peers; for, notwithstand- ing the unparalleled efforts made last winter to procure the return of Members favourable to the Oligarchy, the House of Commons on all great questions fairly represents the People of England. Now it will not become the National Representatives to return to

their constituents with folded arms and dejected air, saying, to the keeping of any set of Ministers, Whig or Tory. Besides,

there are two ways of looking at this question of public credit. HEREDITARY JUDGES. Suppose the House of Commons prorogued, and no means taken PUBLIC attention is so much engrossed with the outrageous to keep the public purse out of the Tory fingers now so eager to behaviour of the majority of the Peers as law-makers, that corn- clutch it—what may follow ? May not the Duke of CUMBER- paratively little notice is taken of them as judges. We are Iasin's " subjects," the mutinous Orangemen, assemble, and try deceived, however, if the interference of the Earl of FALMOUTH to establish arbitrary government? It is not supposed that so in- with the proceedings in the House of Lords in the cause of his sane a project would succeed, were it tried : but what would be sister, the " Honourable Dame ANN BOSCAWEN, or WARRENDER," the consequence on public credit were it known that the funds of against Sir GEORGE WARRENDER (who was lately her husband), the country were liable to be applied to such a purpose ? It is will not open the eyes of even the most careless to the scandalous for no loyal or legal end that the Orangemen in the Army have manner in which the Peers are accustomed to take advantage of been seduced from their rightful allegiance—of that we may be their hereditary and irresponsible power as judges, to forward sure. It is on these Orangemen, armed and confederated, that their personal views and oblige their private connexions. the Ultra-Dories rely : would it not, then, be prudent to put the We learn from the report of the proceedings in the House of public money out of the reach of those who are known to be im- Lords on Monday last, as given in the Morning Post, (which we plicated in this plot ? Would not such a proceeding be conducive follow, as being the least likely to exaggerate the case against their to the maintenance, not the overthrow, of public credit ? We call Lordships,) that Lord BROUGHAM was engaged in delivering upon those who are startled by the idea of vesting the Supplies in judgment in the WARRENDER cause, the facts and pleadings of the hands of Commissioners, to examine the subject with their which were gone through in May last, when the Earl of FALMOUTH eyes open, and then say whether there is greater danger of shock- moved the postponement of the judgment, until Lord LYNDHURST, ing public credit by pursuing such a course, than there is in leaving and "other noble and learned lords, who had taken a particular the funds by which that credit is maintained, at the disposal— interest in the question," should be present. Lord BROUGHAK possibly. -of the CUMBERLAND faction. replied, that he had Lord LYNDHURST 'S written approbation of But, at all events, if the House of Commons should think that every point of the judgment, (which he had submitted to him in the difficulties in the way of limiting the Supplies are so great as writing at full length,) except one of minor consequence; and to prevent recourse to that mode of proceeding, it will be expected then went on to state, with sufficient plainness, the object which that, iefore the prorogation, some step will be taken to inform his Lord FALMOUTH had really in view.

Majesty, as the Chief Magistrate, of the obstruction made by the fs :tious Peers to beneficial legislation. The remedy lies in the m " Yes, my Lords, I am virtually charged with giving a hasty and unfair krt.!

ent, in a case which has undergone the most deliberate hearing and careful power of the King; and it is proper that his Majesty should consideration,—a case in which, if any other person were concerned, judgment learn the way to apply it. There would then be no excuse for would probably have been given three months ago. And this charge comes from Royal ignorance on the subject; and the King would have to de- a noble earl who did not hear a word of it. He evidently wants to have a 11“, tide whether his stand is to be with the People or with the factious bearing in this case before the Chief Baron of the Exchequer and other learned Peers of Great Britain. Of course the Sovereign of such a lords, and so to lay the foundation for a new judgment ; but it is impossible by

the law of England to have a new hearing in the circumstances of the present country as this could not hesitate in his choice; especially when,

case, where the appeal has been regularly taken and gone through, and the Woking to former periods of our history, it would seem that a mis- business of giving judgment entered on. But rehearings are useless. The Scotch take on this subject may be fatal to the House of Peers and the law on the subject cannot be overthrown. Besides, postponement would be most Monarchy. unjust to Sir George Warrender, who has already been put to great expense by Having thus indicated what seems to be the natural, certainly the delay that has taken place, and might be still further Injured in hts.rights if the prudent and patriotic course, of the House of Commons and this jaigment were now interrupted, and the justice expected from this Nome delayed till next session." the Ministry, let to reflect for a moment en whatis the-duty of Lout FALmount disclaimed all imputations on Lord BROUGHAM; the People at this crisis. And here we may remark, that their ditty be only wished for N more publicity for the very important

II The whole session has been wasted; we have laboured in Com- no design or wish on the part of the People to interfere violently or mittees, sat out debates, beaten the Tories in divisions, passed improperly with the exercise of the Royal prerogative. The Kings beneficial and popular measures; and yet all this availeth you of England have, almost without exception, been controlled by and ourselves nothing, for the Peers have put a veto on all our favourites, male or female, by imperious Ministers, or by factious proceedings : and the next session will be the same as this." To sections of the Oligarchy. It is beyond question or comparison such lackadaisical whining, the quick and sharp retort would be more honourable to the Monarch to yield to the influence of the —" For what were you sent to Parliament? Why did we commit vast majority of his subjects, than to any other. This is all that the public money to your charge ? Certainly not to succumb to is now required. The King is expected to place himself at the the Oligarchy, but to defend the rights and privileges of the Com- head of his People, and to lend his aid towards the overthrow of Mons of England : and if you have acted as faithful stewards, abuses, under whatsoever patronage they may flourish. It is you have done something in the way of political amelioration." the judicious and popular exercise, and the exercise to a consider- The fact is, that the People's Representatives are expected to able extent—not the overthrow or diminution—of his prerogative, take some step in advance. The patience of the Country will be that is now desired, by that People for whose benefit solely power tried too severely, if session after session the same game is of any kind is given to the Chief Magistrate. to be played, and the " w hisper of a faction is to prevail over the But though there is no danger of any popular attack on the voice of the nation." But what are they to do ?—that is the Royal authority, it cannot be denied that the loyal People are in a

question. state of hostility to the factious Peers. Here again, however, the Lord Jonsr RUSSELL asserted, in the debate of the 21st instant, law of the land has pointed out the mode of carrying on the con- on the postponement of the Appropriation Act, that the Commons test ; and within the limits of that lei/ we are persuaded the had the undisputed control of the public purse,—in other words, People will confine their operations. Their special province is to the right and the power to refuse the Supplies ; and many other be on the alert with a view to the next elections; and then to re- Members valorously chimed in with and applauded Lord JOHN'S turn Members to the House of Commons who will faithfully repre- declaration. Is this the fact ? Have the Commons, practically, sent their opinions. The People must not be provoked by—they the power which they claim ? or is it one which they dare not must despise—the treasonable vaunts of the Tory journals, that exercise, though in some corner of our national history, some the armed Yeomanry and Dragoons, the mutinous Orangemen nook in our Parliamentary, records, it is written that their prede- and their Grand Masters, will be turned loose on the Liberals. cessors closed the purse-strings against a Monarch who refused They must recollect that a single vote of the House of Commons redress of grievances, though he sued for supply ? If so,—if the can disband all these well-paid myrmidons of Toryism ; that with power of refusing the Supplies is merely nominal, and a theme such braggarts discretion is the better part of valour, and that the for schoolboys,—it should no longer be relied on as a security effectual mode of dealing with them is to close the pocket, and say against an arbitrary and unpopular government; but the real " There is no more money here for mutineers." state of the case should be known, and the public be disabused of Did the factious Peers deserve pity, their condition would excite the notion that their Representatives have actually the control of our commiseration. They have cut themselves off from public the money raised by taxation, although they make pretensions to sympathy. They stand alone in the midst of the nation, suspi cted, it in claptrap speeches. It will be said that the power exists disliked, but not feared. It is felt by every one that their Lord- beyond dispute ; but it would be injurious to public credit, and in ships have engaged in an unequal contest. The same force which the complicated relations of British society iu the nineteenth ten- frustrated them in 1832 can at any time again lay them low. tury very dangerous, to exert it. Then again we ask, what is Their House is looked upon as an obstruction to good government,

as loyal subjects squares entirely with their inclination. There is