29 AUGUST 1846, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

TEE number of measures hurried through their latest stages this week in both Houses of Parliament, in order to be in time for the Royal assent before the prorogation yesterday, defies compu- tation here. Multitudes have been passed—as bricklayers pass bricks from a cart. The Lords, indeed, have had a debate on the Ministerial scheme for providing subsistence in Ireland by means of employ- ment and wages. Noble landlords evinced a strong aversion from the proposed rating. Lord Monteagle exerted his financial talents to show, by a process of capitalizing grants, that England makes a present of five millions sterling to 'Ireland ; and he en- larges on the enervating effects of the undermining of self-reliance. The Times backs up the Whig Ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer, and traces the payment of that eleemosynary subsidy to the poor English labourers. Very ingenious, but somewhat wide of the mark. The actual state of Ireland is an anomalous emergency ; the means taken to meet it are correspondingly irregular. The ques- tion is, whether they are so taken as to forward the desired change from a bad to a better condition. We must say that we think the evidence favours that conclusion. Government is at once contracting aid where it is found to be needless, and im- proving the application of the aid which is continued. A trade in a wholesome exotic food has been created within a few months, and is already strong enough to go alone. The good results have been more prompt and more decided than it would have been safe to anticipate. And whatever calculations may be made as to taxation passing between England and Ireland—backwards and forwards, for Ireland too has something to say on that score —it is better for England, both in policy and in economy, to make Ireland more comfortable, more contented, more able to provide for herself. Who will profit more than the English la- bourer if the Irish labourer find employment at home Some foreign subjects received attention. Lord George Ben- tinck spoke for British interests, emperilled by the hostile relations of Mexico and the United States; and Mr. Hume took up the commercial exclusions of the Brazilian tariff; Lord Palmerston replying to both. As to Brazil, he counts much upon the effect of our new Sugar-duties in mollifying the hostile spirit of her tariff. And as to Mexico, threatened with absorption by the United -States, he reckons strongly on the vis inertia of ten or twelve millions of the Spanish American population : that is too large a niouthful even for the voracious Union to swallow. True, replies Mr. Disraeli, if Spanish Mexicans were faithful to their nationality ; but there be traitors in that country. There the question rests. , Indeed, the future is too obscure, the elements are too rude, for nice or close calculations. Meanwhile, Lord Palmerston has offered the mediation of this country in such a shape as to extract a distinct declaration from the Government at Washington. Another disgraceful affair in connexion with the Poor-law administration has been exposed by Mr. Wakley. Haydock Lodge Asylum, for paying patients and pauper lunatics, presents two kinds of corruption it was carried on by au Assistant-Secre- tary. and an Auditor under the Poor-law ; and the inmates were treated with gross neglect, if not positive cruelty. No defence was made ; but Sir George Grey said that some of the worst evils had already been remedied; and he promised further attention to the case. Thus far, indeed, investigation seems to have been conducted with the tenderest regard to the accused, rather than to the helpless creatures whom they were said to have injured. That such doings should be possible at this day, disgraces more than the keepers of the place—it disgraces the Legislature, which began its interference with mad-houses thirty years ago,

and has not yet arrived at the point of full protection for lunatics.

But the most stirring subject of the Parliamentary week has been, as usual, of a personal kind—the sequel of the Ben- tinck-Lyndhurst dispute.- When Lord George Bentinck's case against the Ex-Chancellor, of corrupt conduct in' the disposal of official patronage, broke down, the baffled accuser rallied to a fiercer assault : the man who now censures him he accused of having made overtures towards a degrading compromise and alli- ance, and of having invited a factious opposition to the Whig Sugar Bill. The tale obtained much notice, but by no means implicit belief; for Lord George is already set down as no safe authority. The event justified every doubt. So much of the story was true as consisted in the fact that Lord Lyndhurst had sent a message to Lord George but all the rest was a pure invention. The Ex- Chancellor, in 'fact, had conceived a scheme for reuniting the dissevered Conservative party ; but he said nothing about the Sugar Bill, nothing about other circumstances which Lord George asserted. Lord Lyndburst's contradiction was made on Saturday; on that and the next two days other witnesses against the accuser-general came forth. The gen- tleman who passed between Lord Lyndhurst and Lord George Bentinck made a written declaration falsifying Lord George's speech. Sir Frederick Pollock sent a written denial that he had urged his brother to accept the Bombay judgeship, or that any- body else had forced it on him. Lord Brougham sent a message denying that he had a hand in it. Lord Ripon warmly repudiated. the charge that he had bartered an appointment in the Church; which he construed to be an outrage on his piety. Nobody be- lieved him capable of such conduct. Lord Ripon forgot, however, to make clear the one point in Lord George's complicated charge which is still unexplained—why the Bombay appointment was made at all; since, to make it before the late Ministers went out of office, it was necessary to do so before there was a vacancy. Among the witnesses was Sir Robert Peel; whose letter, read in part liy. Lord Lyndhurst, has been the subject of some verbal comment in hostility to the late Premier. Having seen an im- rfect report of Lord Lyndhurst's speech on Saturday, Sir Ro- bert it incumbent on him to make his own position plain ; and therefore he wrote his version of the interview which Lord Lyndhurst had with him. When the Ex-Chancellor stated, that, based on his own retirement from public life, he was making an effort to reunite the Conservative party, Sri -Robert replied, that as he likewise had retired and did- not contemplate return to office, he could not take any part in movement : the, construction put upon this avowal is that as Sir Robert expected to derive no benefit to himself from 'the movement, he would not assist it. Literally, his words may seem to bear that interpreta- tion ; but the inference from the obviously imperfect premises is far too wide. If a policy so petty were in accordance with Sir Robert Peel's public conduct, so idle an avowal, under his own hand, is quite foreign to his habits of discretion. It may be al- lowed, however, that he is not always precise in his choice of terms. Moreover, the passage read' ead was only part of a letter, and it does not profess to be a full explanation. Evidently, Sir Robert Peel's immediate purpose was merely to show that he did not coun- tenance Lord Lyndhurst's amiable but Utopian project : failure in it would have been humiliating to him; and to anticipate success were to forego all his character for political sagacity. His vigi- lance in reading the newspapers and defending his own position implies one not unpleasing fact—although Sir Robert Peel has retired for the time from active exertion, he has by no means abandoned the world of politics.