29 AUGUST 1846, Page 1

With the week closes one of the most remarkable setssions

in the history of the British Parliament. Not that the prominent numerous; but they are

measures are nume important, both for their

direct effects, and for being cardinal points in mighty changes of policy. The Corn-laws have been finally settled on the principle of free trade, and the fact establishes that commercial freedom which is henceforth to be the policy of the country. Another extension of the principle to the general tariff has also been effected in the Customs Bill. With the emancipation of corn, Sir Robert Peers Government, as reconstituted in December 1845, fulfilled its mission, and ceded the official trust to Lord John Russell; who at once made a further concession to Free-trade interests in his settlement of the Sugar-duties. Simple freedom of trade, indeed, was but indifferently carried out in that mea- sure, which by no means rendered strict justice to the West Indies; but its importance as a contribution to the new policy cannot be overlooked. A large tribute has been paid to the necessities and claims of Ireland, establishing there also a new policy, and going far to solve the " difficulty." While he remained in the active conduct of affairs, Sir Robert Peel had neglected to pierce through that question, although he had done his best to mitigate the material evils of the country. He stood by the Coercion 1301, and woo defeated ; but, with a true greatness of spirit, he drew a lesson from his own failure, and, as he relinquished office, declared pro- phetically that Ireland must thenceforward be governed alone on the principle of equal rights with England. Lord John Russell adopted that declaration. His adherence to the Arms Bill was a curious deviation from a plain path ; but he rightly interpreted the resistance that he encountered, and quickly abandoned what he could not maintain with credit.- Meanwhile; the new Minis- try, as a matter of course, continue the endeavour to supply Ire- land's wants under the failure of her ordinary food. An effective poor-law is still dreaded ; but the measure for giving employ- ment, based upon a rate on the land like a poor-rate, goes far to supply the uses of a poor-law, in making the land answerable for the subsistence of the people.

The general question of Poor-law stands over for next session. Ireland and Scotland both have growing claims on that score ; and the Andover disclosures have forced the subject of the Eng- lish law upon Parliament for thorough revision. Some advance, though not quite of a satisfactory kind, has been achieved in Railway legislation. An attempt has been made to bring about, gradually, uniformity of gauge; the Disso- lution Bill opened a door of retreat from excessive speculation ; and the proposed Railway Board promises to introduce a little more of order into the chaos.

The proceedings in Parliament have exhibited the usual dis- crepancy between the earlier and latter part of the session—two Tay unequal portions : speaking generally, it is at first all talk and no work—quite at the close it becomes all work and no talk. The amount of business through which Parliament has scrambled in this last fortnight is immense. At the same rate, the whole work of the session might be done in a month, or perhaps in three weeks. Much is said about the necessity for deliberation and discussion : but how much of the redundant "discussion," which does take place, is devoted to the actual measures, or to realities of any kind ? The great " field-days " and party parades, got up on false pretences, meant to subserve hollow appearances, have but small practical bearing on the real work of the session. Nearly the whole of the term, however, is wasted in that irrelevant disputation ; and then, at the very last, the substantial work has to be hurried over without the vaunted " discussion." After all, the measures submitted by Government are for the most part taken on trust. Much even of the discussion that does really concern the measures is rendered necessary solely by the imper- fect way in which the bills are prepared ; and much ulterior le- gislation is required to mend the errors so created. If any Minis- try would for once break this evil routine, and introduce measures in a complete and thoroughly prepared shape, the authors would gain both in credit and influence. Nothing would impress the public with a stronger sense of efficiency in the Government. And were Ministers, having so prepared their measures, to stand by them—refusing all concession—relinquishing place rather than their own purposes, except where the matters were abso- lutely indifferent, or where they themselves had been convinced —they would acquire a more ample power than has of late fallen to the lot of English Cabinets. Sir Robert Peel sometimes felt the strength derivable from such a course. Those resisters whom it bears down will complain that it is "tyrannical" and "arbi- trary " ; but it is honest and energetic. The privilege of resig- nation is one that scarcely admits of abuse ; and certainly every statesman has full right to relinquish office the instant his own deliberate conviction is thwarted. Were such a course oftener and more firmly pursued, Ministers would not so frequently have to go a begging for support, nor have to spoil so many measures by trimming to evade objection and resistance. Such is the course, and. the sole course, that would enable Lord John Russell to cope with the immense programme of measures promised for next session, or to retreat from his task with credit should it prove too much for him. Some hazard conjectures that he will try to circumvent the country by dissolving Parliament before failures have tarnished his new repute. If he is prepared to court failure, perhaps he had better do so ; though the specu- lation must be very doubtful. The uncommonly civil but in- distinct way in which Ministers reply to all sorts of demands for inquiry and improvement, holding out hopes innumerable for " next session," might be taken as a common electioneering sign; but arts of that kind will not suffice to convert Lord John Russell's minority into a majority, and we believe that he has too much sense as well as too much honesty to stoop so low. Something sub- stantial is needed for his purpose. The Morning Chronicle adopts the probable assumption, that Lord John will seek to develop his plans more fully before a dissolution, in order to have something upon which to "go to the country." Indeed, a dissolution before the new Ministers have had opportunity to show what they really do intend, would be idle—it would be received as an appeal about nothing, and is not likely to elicit any very determinate or satisfac- tory answer. A vague answer, no doubt, might be more agreeable to place-hunters than a distinct negative, such as a session of failures might provoke; and therefore do we say, that if Lord John were bent on a session of failures, he had better take his chance of a dissolution. But if he is bent, as we hope, on victory, let him devote the recess to the thorough preparation of good measures boldly conceived ; propose them with confidence ; if thwarted, appeal to the country ; and make the appeal with a distinct

pledge, to be redeemed, that he adz AtTerfect faith abide by the issue.