29 JANUARY 1853, Page 11

Trttrro to tjr ettitur.

POLITICS.

Dublin, 25th January 1853: rwas very. glad to see that you inculcate caution as to Irish matters in your last-Spectator, and I assure you it is very necessary. I think it would be very possible, nevertheless, to remove the Irish difficulty bodily out of the way ; and I would gladly do all in my power to help. the present Minis- try to do itindeed, it is. therefore I trouble you,with my.opinions. You see I was not far wrong, in predicting that the Government had got nothing by their purchase of Keogh, predicting and Monsen; beyond the bare bodies— and souls, I suppose—of.those demagogues; and it is plain to me that that vendition was effected under the influence of very gross misrepresentation, Which, indeed, a very slight penetration might have seen through. Had the BBrriig�aadiers been linked together. for any honourable or patriotic purpose, they might have followed the course of. two or three leaders placed in office with tolerable unanimity.: but their only bond is sordid selfishness and the vul, garest ambition ; and their ostensible objects—the conversion of-tenants into landlords, and the endowment of the Roman Church with liberty to perse- oute—were advisedly selected as "grievances" not capable of retirees, and therefore .fitted for perennial use. K. S., and M., have been bought, but the noes. remain, And:would still subsist, andmaintain an ever-multiplying host: of grievance-mongers, were Moore, Lucas, Duffy, and. Co., all suc- cessively to :barter their. oaths and pledges for places.or pension*. Without. knowing anything of 'Ireland, Lord' Aberdeen. ought to have known thus much-of.human nature.. But I am aware that he. was, or his advisers were, deceived in.another matter. They. were told, ,that if the priests were gained overall wouldhe aecomplished'; and I. know that-a preliminary step to the appointment of Sadleir was to make "ThitberMaher safe."- This was done; and,. as I' mentioned. to you a fortnight ago would be the case, every stone was turned .by the priests in order. to • carry, S. in. for Carlow. The priests differ-from the Brigadiers in this remarkable.particular, that their motive is not a, sordid one, nor their. ambition small or vulgar. The magnitude of their. treasonable designs against human liberty imparts a certain.disin- terestedness and elevation to their individual efforts for their accomplish- ment. The. promotion. of. S., H., and M., excited no jealousy among the priests; it-was in,theineyes so much of advancement in the common enter- prise. Bather Maher lathe =oleo' ArohbishopCullen; and his firststep on, being solicited-to- postpone his pledges on the.subject of tenant-right and religious equality, to the reelection of Sadleir, waste proceed to Dublin and submit his vrillto the diseretMnof his nephew, for the service of theChuroh. He returned absolved:from:all former- pledges,. and as- zealous fora Govern- ment candidate as he was last autumn in opposition to the candidate or friend of. any. imaginable Government. The priests. were, no. doubt,, made quite safe for the time; but Ministers gravely erred in supposing that. the priests' intrinsic influence is.sufficient to carry. any. measure by its unaided strength. The priests are pretty nearly omnipotent when they have the Castle patronage at their back, and-when it is generally. believed that: they are not amenable to the laws of theland. They are. very ordinary mortals, even in Ireland,. under opposite conditions. Now, the nine months of impartial governmentthat preceded the Carlow election, had. destroyed the prestige of priestly invulnerability to law,. and-sufficient time had not.elapsed to prove that they hadregained their power of patronage. Therefore it was, that though• they, did, their. best,. they were beaten. by the local influence and popularity ofas.miller and:farmer, who..employa, one way er another, some nine or ten hundred workmen.. Having. thus. stated. the ease, I- am sure truly,. I ask isit "wise,. beneficent, on just," to prop up the Boman des- potism in order that-the influence of Irish priestiemay be made serviceable to English parties ? Or supposing that the end of governing a, country would justify the use of any influences that exist in it, however immoral and destructive to the publiegood'of the worldtheeeinfluenees might be,- isthere any reasonable ground for expectation that that end would be attainable by a league with priests, or by the .occasional. purchase of choice demagogues. The first question, I am sure, you will admit is answereiinthe present state of Rome ibelfj of Naples, and of Tuscany:. the second seems to me to be answered in.the-reeords of.the-growing generations of demagogues that have reigned in.Ireland during the last. five-and-twenty years. But perhapaI may be asked. what, other policy I, would adopt, if not this ?. I reply, that "the Irish difficulty" would no longer exist if. the bonus system were diseentinued, and if free trade in the favour of the state ware carried out in regard,to the Roman Catholic and Protestant laity. If the example set in the appointment • of Mr. Corballis, a. cismontane Roman Ca. tholio, were generally followed, muoh would. thereby, be acoomplisheci: everything would. be done, (end done to the satisfaction of the whole Roman Catholic laity,) were it made certain and plain that the-priests would in all eases be treated.with. respect, but in all cases dealt with according. to. law, whether as plaintiffs or. defendants, and in no case permitted to influence, or interfere in any matter of. civil patronage..

The secret of Lord Eglinton'a success lay chiefly in the prevailing, opinion

that this would be his policy ; and the prevalence of the opinion was due entirely to the publie estimate of Blackburn's discretion, and the belief that he in reality waa'the governor of Ireland. Lord.Bglinton„ I think, wade bated towards his. own success only kind feelings, courteous manners, and an entire abnegation of intrigues. * * • * I- think most Irishmen, disposed to

speak truth, would tell you the same story ; and few changes are regretted here except the succession of Chancellors. As the moral of my long story, I really think the defeat at Carlow is a godsend to the Government, if they choose to avail themselves of it. split has been made in the organization of the allied army of priests and demagogues. An opening is made for breaking off with both. Sadleir is manifestly useless ; let him drift off. If Keogh remain, he could and would do good service by a practical abandonment of all his demagogue devices ; by prosecuting the Six-mile Bridge priests, if that were thought necessary, by taking part in useful law reforms, and by extinguishing the hopes of the Communistic Leaguers. * * * Government is not yet openly pledged to any particular course, and there is now an opportunity for recovering• the position they lost by those most unwise appointments. If they avail them- selves of it to satisfy the Irish masses, Roman Catholic and Protestant, that their policy towards Ireland is likely to be British, and liberally Conservative rather than Roman and Communistic, as K., M., and S. would seem to symbolize, they may laugh at the Irish difficulty.