29 JUNE 1850, Page 2

Mthatts net Trurrthiugs iu Varliaurnt.


Houtz or Loans. Monday, June 24. Small Tenements Recovery (Ireland) Bill, Mtthrough Committee—Sunday Letter-sending—Drainage and Improvement of Advances Bill, read a second tune. Tuesday, June 25. Sheriff of Westmoreland Appointment Bill, read a third time and passed—Leasehold Tenure of Land (Ireland) Act Amendment Bill, considered in Committee, and reported. Thursday. June 27. Australian Constitution ; Federal Clauses to be withdrawn— Abolition of the Miff Lord-Lieutenancy; Resolutions proposed by the Marquis of Londonderry, but withdrawn—Crime and Outrage Act Continuance Bill, read a third time.

Friday, June 28. Attack on the Queen—Drainage and Improvement of Lands Advances Bill, read a third time and passed—Australian Colonies Bill, reported— Metropolitan Interments Bill and Board of Health Bill, read a second time.

House or CO3.0101.18. Monday, June 24. Chevalier Bunsen's Expulsion from the House of Lords, commented on by Sir Robert Inglis—Vote of Confidence in Minis- ters; Mr. Roebuck's Motion on the Foreign Policy; debate adjourned. Thesday. June 25. Sunday Post Suspension—Vote of Confidence ; debate resumed, and adjourned till Thursday.

Wednesday, June 26. County Rates ; Sir Henry Halford's Bill, thrown out on second reading—Larceny Summary Jurisdiction Bill; third reading carried by 119 to 25—Copyholds Enfranchisement ; Mr. Aglionby's Bill, second reading carried by 103 to 84—Railway Accidents ; Mr. Newdegate's Bill, thrown out on second reading by 108 to 53.

Thursday, June 27. Vote of Confidence ; debate resumed, and adjourned till Friday. Frid4y. June 28. Attack on the Queen—Vote of Confidence; debate resumed, and finished; Mr. Roebuck's Modes carried by 310 to 264.


The _Lords. The Commons.

Hour of Hour of Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjairnment. Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday bh _ Mt 40m Monday 4h . c( ) h 30 ) 21 h 0

Tuesday 611 40m Tuesday _ Wednesday No Sitting. Wednesday Noon .... Sh 53m Thursday, Sh Sh 10m Thursday 9h ..(m) 211 15m

Friday — 76 20m Friday — (m) 311 SOm Sittings this Week, 4; Time, shun Sittings this Week, 5; Time, 47h 30m this Session,97; —7605 23m — this Beadon. 71 ; --172h 40m FOREIGN POLICY : CONFIDENCE ne MINISTERS.

The order for going into Committee of Supply being read on Monday, Lord J mut Rusenni stated his readiness, as Mr. Roebuck had given no- tice of an amendment, to postpone the orders of the day. Two Members had given notice of amendments, respecting which they would of course act as they should deem proper : the Government were only anxious for a full and fair discussion upon the question proposed by Mr. Roebuck ; that was the question which they thought to be properly put in issue. Mr. ANSTEY said, that after this explanation upon a matter which more nearly concerned the Government than any other party, he certainly would not persevere with his amendment. Cries of " Hume !" arising, Mr. Hymn said, that at the proper time he would make his motion, to be dealt with as the House should think fit ; he would make it or not ac- cording to his discretion and liking.

Mr. ROEBUCK then commenced the debate, with an explanation of the reasons for making his motion, somewhat in the same terms with that which prefaced his notice last week.

He quite admitted that no Administration is called on to resign upon a resolution passed by the House of Lords ; but in our constitution, when that House has explained its views and expressed its feelings upon any great question, it is right that the other House should step in and say what it is that the people of England think on the matter. In coming forward to ask that opimon on the present occasion he dismissed brieflyDisraeli's in- sinuation, couched in the allusive phrase which he is wont to use, of having offered an "arranged machinery." "My course in this House,, ' said Mr. Roebuck, "has been somewhat plain, and I at least have never shaped my course with reference to party interests or to party disputes. No act of mine has been suggested by personal spite." The principles of the foreign policy of any Government must affect indivi- dual rights and wrongs, or regards the general interests, the dignity, and the honour of the country. As regards individual rights and wrongs, he thought Lord Palmerston's object had been "to extend the protection and the shield of England to her wandering sons, called by commerce, pleasure, or neces- sity, to the various regions of the world ; to hold over them, as much as the rules of civilized nations permit, the great w.gis of British power—that it shall cover them whether amidst the despotism of R1108ift or in the free coun- try of America; whether they be .upon the limitless ocean, or within the confines of any power great or insignificant, powerful or almost helpless." With regard to general policy, he believed Lord Palmerston's object had been to preserve the peace of the world, not by truckling to despotism, but by teaching all nations that England will ever, as far as the rules of inter- national communication permit her, give the great moral force of her name in support of such teaching as 1..his-" We are favourable to those ef- forts of man by which he endeavours to raise himself up in the scale of na- tions, and by his own enlightenment, and a confidence m his own powers to govern himself, resists that tyranny which under the name of 'legitimacy' haa ever sought to crush in him all those powers which we as Englishmen consider to be the very birthright that Nature has given." It would be impossible, considering how long the noble Lord has been in the councils of her Majesty, to go through every individual act of his Mi- nistry; but that this had been his ruling principle would appear if large results are taken. Compare the policy of England from 1790 to 1815 with her policy from 1830 to the present time. In 1789 broke out that grand result of the increasing enlightenment of the people against the despots of Europe, the French revolution. The Governments of Europe banded to- gether, and unfortunately England supported them. "The consequences may be read in the most terrible conflicts that the annals of mankind ever recorded. Blood was shed like water; wealth was scattered with a pro- digality that no record of any nation or time equalled.. From 1789 to 1816 the great comity of nations was broken up ; people were separated into enemy and enemy; all relations of every kind depended upon force, and he who was the mightiest in the field was he alone who was to be respected. Mankind looked on astounded with horror at the scene of devastation, strife, and confusion that followed ; and it was only when the exigencies of nume- rous nations induced them to unite their energies and power in overthrow. jug the mighty Napoleon that peace was again restored to mankind." Legitimacy having been reestablished, there was from 1815 to 1830 a constant swelling against it in the whole body of the French people ; and at length, in 1830, the volcano burst forth and the legitimacy of the Bourbons was scattered to the winds for ever. It is due to the great man then at the head of the councils of England—the Duke of Wellington—to say that he did not pause : give to him the great glory of having begun the new principle which has distinguished the policy of our _present day,. From that time, however, till now, that new policy has been followed. Belgium followed France. The English Government was changed, and the feehngs of the English people were deeply expressed. The first question submitted to Lord Pal- merston was the Belgian revolution. "I hardly know what the great man to whom I have alluded might have done, because his greatness places him beyond all party disputes, all petty considerations" ; but had Lord Palmers- ton then followed the suggestions of those who have since conducted the antagonistic principle, he would have prevented the division between Hol- land and Belgium ; and he would have been successful for that time ; but of this you may be certain, that in 1848 Belgium would have at once freed herself from that unnatural alliance with Holland, and sought aid from France, as her natural friend and ally. And then down would have come the Northern Powers, and we should have had over again the universal war of 1790 to 1815. This might be taken as one little instance in which the policy and power of England were exercised, and in which the non-use of them would have been a fruitful source of misery to mankind. Disregard- ing technicalities, overlooking petty nisi prius discussion, and judging by the broad principles of foreign policy, this might be taken as a type, and the in- termediate stage re:Lased over. Mr. Roebuck then entered upon the Greek question. The charges against Lord Palmerston are, that our demands against Greece were unlawful—for matters insignificant, exaggerated—imperious and hasty in mode, and inop- portune. Mr. Roebuck went over the charges; his arguments and illustra- tions on the first point having the chief interest. The law of nations, he took to be, accurately speaking, no law. It is a kystem of general morality, in which the law is of necessity vague, and depending rather upon the dis- cretion of countries than settled by any tribunal—there being no tribunal appointed. We can only get at the rules of this international law by the habits of 'various people of the civilised world ; and if you take the usage of France, America, and England, you take that of the three great nations at the head of the civilization of the world. French usage is shown in the cam of Portugal in 1831, when our mediation was rejected, with language in the French Chamber which, but for the undaunted bravery, calm temper, and great serenity of the people of :gland, would be deemed insolent, but Ai& we "soaring in our unapproachable greatness," disregard ; in the affair at St. Salvador, in 1842, in which dollars were obtained by threats to bombard the town ; in the Mexican instance, where the town of an in- ferior power was actually bombarded ; and in that of Senegal, where the river of a weak and powerless nation was blockaded, two of its villages attacked, and the people chastised, to redress a fancied injury. With a weak power a block- ade is really a merciful proceeding. French usage furnishes twenty other instances of the same kind. American usage establishes the same rules by More strenuous example. In 1814-15, when we were at war with America, we seized an American ship under the walls of Papal; Brother Jonathan sent in his bill to Portugal ; who replied, "it was done in spite of us" ; Brother Jonathan rejoined, "We know it was done in spite of you, and therefore you must pay us." On this very account, at this very moment, the Tagus is perhaps blockaded by an American squadron, which was on its way for that purpose. Xing Murat seised American pro- perty at Naples ; he was expelled as an usurper, and shot ; the Americans sent in their bill ; Naples replied, that they were not answerable for the acts of an usurper they had turned out and shot ; but America held that they were answerable, and she got her money under threat of sending her fleet. Our claims are not therefore unusual ; not in defiance of the practice of the two nations who besides ourselves are at the head of the civilization of the world. The other points Mr. Roebuck treated with less origi- nality; going over the ground traversed in the House of Peers by the defend- ers of Lord Palmerston's Greek negotiations,—the delay of justice to Mr. Finlay ; the denial of justice to M. Pacifico, for outrages of a character so glaring, that details, of possible but unproved exaggeration, become too tri- vial to be heard without indignation ; and the outrage to British sailors, backed by lying inventions on the part of the Greek officials, and direct im- putations of falsehood against English officers. We are not to judge of the importance of the principles at stake by the less importance of some cases. If once you relax the rules by which you act in guarding the subjects of this country abroad among nations half civilized, you will cause safety for English commerce to disappear.

But in the present instance, we at last accepted what are called, by a well- understood diplomatic phrase, the "good offices" of the French Minister. Baron Gros well understood that he was to endeavour to snake the Greek Government yield to our demands, their justice or injustice in principle not being in question; but when he got out, he changed the character of his of- fice and came to be a mediator. "Ultimately the matter was settled simulta- neously in London and at Athens, without the aid of the mediator ; and when we suggest that it is hardly worth while to disturb the arrangement which was completed at Athens, the excitable French nation starts up in offence. But was it the French nation? Was there no emente in Paris to be dreaded ? no infringement on the constitution to be effected? no dotation to be increased ? and would not these objects be best accomplished by a poli- tical diversion on foreign affairs ? Such is the honour of those excitable gen- tlemen who talk about the honour of France ! "Sir, I believe that the honour of France, like the honour of England, is beyond the range of such petty artifices, and that a great people can bear to have even these disgraceful performances on the part of its Government without impeaching itself." It is the weak that are sensitive—the man whose position is undetermined in life who is most ready to fight about his position : the powerful nation can bear with opposition, can receive an insult and not consider it insulting, as- cribing it to petulance and not to premeditation. Acknowledging that it was impossible to go into every point that might be considertd., Mr. Roebuck thought he had suggested enough to induce the House to assent to his motion. Let not the House shrink from a fair deci- sion on the broad question of the foreign policy of the Government, nor evade the difficulty by riding off upon a general consideration of the policy of the country. It must be no half-opinion, nothing about which there can be a cavil of gentlemen shut out, this man sick, or another man dead. Let there be a clear, broad, and positive declaration, that the Government are, in the opinion of their countrymen, in the right, and that they shall have the power to maintain the dignity of the country in the face of the whole world, should the whole world be opposed to them. He concluded by moving,

"That the principles on which the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government has been regulated have been such as were calculated to maintain the honour and dig- nity of this country, and, in times of unexampled difficulty, to preserve peace between England and the various Tuitions of the world."

Mr. Husee here stated, that he would for unanimity's sake withdraw Isis amendment.

He regretted that Mr. Roebuck had rested his appeal to the House upon the whole foreign policy of the Government; of which he, for one, could not approve. However, lie would not stand in the way of the House coming

to a clear and fair decision, lest it might be said that he was doing an injury to the Government. ("Hear, hear r') He was most anxious that the pre-

sent Ministry should retain their position. He was anxious to see than • eemain in office, and carry out the great and important measures which they had supported and were now supporting, and which he deemed to be essential to the welfare of the country. Upon that ground he had ventured to inter- pose. He was sorry he had done so, but he really thought he didn't un- derstand thew with whom he sat. (A laugh.) Sir FREDERICK THERIGEll occupied the House at great length with a formal review of the chief points of the Greek question ; which, how- ever, he did not pretend to exhaust seriatim. At the outset of his speech he animadverted on the movement to the rescue of Government which Mr. Roebuck had volunteered.

Without saying that there had been any "arranged machinery," by which the motion had been submitted in its present convenient form, he would venture to say that his learned friend had "purchased by his conduct a claim to the substantial gratitude of the Government." ("Hear, hear!" " Oh ! " " Order ! ") Mr. SOMERS rose to order; and pronounced the observation very invidious, unfair, and totally uncalled for. (Cheers, and cries of" Chair ! ' " Order ! ")

The SPEAKER, however, decided that nothing had been said "that is con- trary to the orders of the House." Sir FREDERICK THESIGER resumed ; and proceeded to make a point by quoting the language of Mr. Roebuck in 18413, when, in a debate on the war in Affghamstan, he expressed himself as follows with regard to Lord Palmerston- " I may be unhappy, most unhappy, I may be singular in having the impression upon my mind, but I cannot help fancying that the noble Viscount who so lately ruled the destinies of this country abroad has had a most pernicious influence upon our foreign policy. I cannot help fancying, that if the name of England had been brought into bad odour with the world, the most active instrument in the production of that mischief has been the noble Viscount the Member for Tiverton. In fact, if I might, upon an serious a matter bring forward an almost ludicrous illustration, I should say that the noble Lord was best typified by a late production of modern science, which is called the lucifer-match. No sooner does he meet with an obstiuc- fion than a flame immediately bursts forth. He puts his hand upon America, and it required but one move to bring upon us a war that in all its calamities would have been equal to a civil war. It was only by a miracle that we were saved from a war with France. It was not owing to anything that the noble Lord did not do that we were not thrust into a war with Russia. We had an unnecessary war in Syria; we had an armed body in the Persian Gulf; Englishmen, and those under them, have swept the whole plains of India, from the banks of the Indus to the confines of the Hindoo Coosh, under the noble Lord's pernicious influence, bearing with them all the consternation and all the horrors of war. In short, extending his mischievous activity over the whole habitable world—from the Western coast of America to the Eastern coast of China—wherever the English muse is knee u, the hideous conse- quences of war have been expected to follow. Therefore I say, that I do look with suspicion upon every argument and every fact that may be adduced by the noble Lord, or those around him, in vindication of the mischievous activity which he has displayed in perplexing and distracting our foreign relations with the world at large." "Now, this was in the year 1843. The noble Lord has returned to power, and now presides over the foreign affairs of this country; and I will do the noble Lord the justice to say that ho has returned entirely the same man. There is the qucifer-match ' again in the Foreign Office. There is the noble Lord ready, like another Phmten, to set the world on fire." The resolu- tion which had emanated from his learned friend was therefore the most extraordinary one it is possible to imagine.

Mr. PAGE Woon remarked, that the miserable insinuation which had prefaced Sir Frederick Thesiger's speech was a fit augury of the tone which it was intended to give the debate. "But the honourable and learned Member forSheffield had already earned, already obtained, his reward—his substantial reward—a reward more sub- stantial than the Crown or the House could bestow—the affection, namely, and esteem of the people of England for an upright and independent repre- .

Mr. Wood then traversed somewhat the some field over which Sir Frederick Thesiger had passed ; adding, however, sense points of detail in the Greek matters which had not before appealed in debate. He showed that Stellio Bianchi, whose sufferings were made matter of banter in the other House, was undoubtedly tortured, by placing great stones on his chest, and by the application of the cord after the Turkish manner,—a periphrasis which desig- nates a brutality terrible but unfit for description. In the ease of David Pacifico, who if judged by his papers alone is both a gentleman in feeling and in education, the outrage committed was so gross as to drive his daugh- ter to madness : he was most prompt and explicit in demanding redress of the local authorities ; and Lord Aberdeen himself approved of his claims, and took diplomatic cognizance of them because judicial justice had been fruit- lessly importuned. Ii f Mr. Finley's case, Lord Aberdeen backed the claims, and expressly admitted the extremely mild and gentlemanly manner in which Mr. Finlay had preferred them. From these details Mr. Wood launched into a eulogy on the manner in which British subjects are protected abroad.

Sir Janne GRAHAM hoped that they had now, for that evening at least, got out of nisi prius. They had listened to three gentlemen of the long robe in succession ; and, notwithstanding the largeness of the terms of the motion, none of them, except towards the close of the last gentleman's speech, had got beyond the narrow circle of Greece.

Sir James felt dragged into this question. Intentional absence would be cowardice ; silence, with his opinions, impossible. For the last four years he had given the Government an independent and honest support, from a feeling of duty with reference to the state of parties and the internal condi- tion of the country ; exercising forbearance on public grounds. For Lord Palmerston personally he entertained sincere friendship. It had once been his good fortune to act with him as a colleague for four years ; he never acted with one more honourable, more trustworthy, more faithful to hie col- leagues, during that whole period • and since that time he had participated in the kindness which the noble Lord extends to his friends without regard to party. He therefore felt quite uninfluenced by any hostile feeling to- wards the Government or the noble Lord.

The House was not invited to discuss merely the narrow question of Greece. That question might have been raised by propounding a vote in terms contradictory to the vote of the House of Lords,—which should have stated that our claims were founded in justice, not exaggerated in amount, and that the course pursued by Government was not calculated to endanger our friendly relations with foreign powers : and such a proceeding would have been in accordance with the precedent quoted by Lord John Rumen. The Duke of Wellington carried a resolution in the Lords by a majority of 10 against Earl Grey : the very next day Ministers replied in the Rouse of Commons, that they should "not at all" change their policy ; Colonel Da- vies gave notice of a motion directly traversing the resolution of the Lords, and it was carried by a majority of 250. Having thus shown that a more extensive field was opened, Sir James took up the question' "Do we on the whole approve of the policy pursued by Ministers with reference to foreign relations since their lad accession to power ? " In his review of European polities, lie first touched on the case of Belgium, already mentioned : he himself had assented to all the measures taken to se- parate that country from Holland, although they directly infringed upon the engagements of the treaty of Vienna. But at that time there were at the British Court Prince Tallesrmid for France, Prince he Lies-an for Russia, Prince Esterhazy for Auritna, and Baron von Bulow for Prussia ; and every step then taken was deliberately taken with the concurrence of all those great powers. The departure from this policy of harmony when Earl Grey was succeeded by Lord Melbourne was pointed out by the present Lord Grey, then Lord Howick, in a debate in that House, with a perspicacity almost prophetic- ' Like the right honourable Baronet, (Sir Robert Peet,) he thought there was no greater curse to the world at large, and to the interests of civilization and humanity, than the carrying on, in every court in Europe, and in every country in the world, a party struggle between what was cation the English party and the I rench party. He abominated the whole system of interference. Ile would say, that the more they abstained from giving advice to other countries as to the management of their inter- nal affairs, the better : and for this reason—the representative of England or of France, or of any other great nation accredited to another country, with the moat sincere desire for the welfare of that country, might, and no doubt would, give the best advice in his power ; but that advice was not -always taken, and little by little he would become exasperated at those who did not look upon him as an oracle, and would favour that party who were most impressed with his superior n isdom. The Ministers of France and of England might take opposite 'views of what was most conducive to the interests of Mexico or of Pertugel •' and little by little, totally con- trary to the wishes of their respective Governments, a sort of French and English party was created. A struggle for ascendancy between those parties resulted, and the unfortunate country where the system was carried on became the prey of factions, which were occasioned, and of animosities which were embittered, by this kind of interference." The advice alluded to in Lord Renick's speech had pointed to Spain ; but in Lord Palmerston's first despatch after returning to office he violates every one of these principles, and initiates that career of interference in which he has consistently persevered. He came into office in June 1846: in July he already talks of a great nation like Spain in these terms—" She had a Par- liament by law, but all free election for members had been overborne by force or other means." (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) "True' but is this the mode in which the Government of Spain was to be addressed by the Minister of an ally? "And no sooner (the noble Lord proceeded to say) did Parliament meet, and there was a display of opinion not in accordance with the views of the Executive Go- vernment, than the Parliament was prorogued or dissolved. There are indeed, by. law, tribunals for the trial of persons accused of offences and crimes, but numbers of persons have been arrested, imprisoned, banished, and even in some cases executed, not only without condemnation, but even without trial. This system of violence and of arbitrary power seems in some degree to have survived the fall of its author, and not to have been as yet entirely abandoned ty the more moderate men who have succeeded him in the Government.'.

There is a comment on Narvaez, who was no longer in power ; and there is advice to the Ministers who were then in power. " It is greatly to be hoped that the Ministers of Spain will lose no time in returning to the ways of the constitution and obedience to the law." (Cheers from the _Ministerial benches.) All this, said Sir James, is most excellent advice. The question is, is it possible to administer advice in these terms to the Minister of an in- dependent power ? (Cheers from the Opposition.) "I apprehend it is impos- sible " ; and the result proves it. He goes on- " Such a system of arbitrary violence as that which has been pursued in Spain is likely to create open resistance, even while it is administered by the strong hand and determined will of the individual by whom it has been organized ; but when it is no longer supported by the energy of its original author, and when an attempt is made to continue it under a feebler and less daring direction, no great degree of sagacity can be required to foresee that it must lead to outbreak. For when the Ministers of the Crown set at nought the laws which provide for the security of the people, it cannot be surprising if the people should at length cease to respect the laws which provide for the security of the Crown." (Cheers from theMinisterial benches.) It is quite right that observation should be made by a British Minister within his own sphere. But what is the effect of preaching these lessons to the Ministers of foreign independent nations, perhaps indisposed to follow your maxims ? There Is a caution at the end of the despatch, that it was not to be too abruptly- communicated to the Minister ; but it was to be made known that this was the opinion of the noble Lord and of the British Govern- ment. Mark the result. It almost immediately transpired ; for you find Sir Henry Bulwer, writing on the 22d of August, in reply to the noble Lord's despatch of the 19th of July, begins by saying, "The French Government has not failed to turn its knowledge of the despatch of the 19th July to ad- vantage, by representing it as a declaration of hostility- against the present Minister and established Government." Sir Henry Bulwer was sent out of Spain. When, some years later' a sort of amende was made for Sir Henry Bulwer's expulsion, lord Palmerston in assenting put a most extraordinary sentence in his despatch—"If Sir Henry Bulwer had not been across the Atlantic, Sir Henry Bulwer is the Minister I should have advised my Sove- reign" to send to Spain. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) "Are those the lovers of peace who eheer?" (Loud Opposition cheers.) Could it be thought a concihatory measure to select Sir Henry Bulwer?

In Portugal we also interfered ; and the result is, that the one man we op- posed—Costa Cabral—is still the first Minister, and likely to be so. Our intervention in Switzerland, with the other great powers, was mention- ed by Sir James, in order to obtain an explanation of an alleged deception e against the Foreign, Office. We had agreed to a joint note, and the note was to General Dufour to stop the war with the Sonderbund ; but M. Bois le Comte, relying on despatches still extant in the archives of Park, states that a messenger .connected with the Embassy—the Chaplain—had been sent on before, to General Dufour, directing him to lose no time in his operations.

Lord PALMERSTON—" It is quite untrue. I sent 110 such message."

Sir JAMES Critaisais—" The noble Lord's allegation then is, that the Mi- nister of France and the Minister of Spain, who were present at the inter- view where Mr. Peel isaaid to have made that admission, are, in his opinion, convicted of a statement that is untrue." He can explain. With regard to the Spanish marriages, the misunderstanding with M. Ginza "led to a personal—I had almost said animosity, on the part of the noble Lord, towards that Minister, which pursued him to his fall.' To the last hour of the noble Lord's life, it will be a matter of regret, that when he sought only to overthrow M. Guizot, he hastened a change in a neighbouring state, the effects of which his generation will not outlive. In Italian affairs, 'there was a transaction never yet explained. In 1847, Lord Palmerston, in a despatch, intimated to Austria a suspicion that she was engaged in designs against the independence of Piedmont. Prince Metter- nich gave a solemn denial of any such intention, and offered to "enter into any engagement with England to guarantee the independence of Piedmont." That denial and offer we received in October ; in February the letter con- taining the insinuation Or accusation was laid before Parliament ; but Prince Metternich's answer was not produced till Lord Brougham moved for it in August, and stated that he had a copy of it in his pocket. This does not seem consistent with the honour or dignity of England. The effect of the despatch was very &citing in Italy, and Piedmont became the assailant ; Austria, reduced to straits, offered Lombardy ; but because Venice was not

added, we would not mediate, and the extraordinary soldier Radetzky turned the tide of war. Where now IS a vestige of that Italian liberty for which the noble Lord everywhere interfered ?—Thrice in a year Turin at the mercy of Austria, Lombardy again under her absolute military rule, Venice recon- quered, and the French in Rome ! Another point needs. explanation. The message sent by Russia to the Sultan of Turkey was harsh, and it spoke of such a course as it became Eng-

land to prevent by the means in her power. Our course at first was right

and highly honourable,—appealing to the Emperor with firm but concili- atory tone' but it was neither wise nor decorous to resort to menace with

our fleet. The Emperor had already made the concession without any fo- reign intervention, and when he heard that our fleet had entered the Dar- danelles, he was naturally indignant. We excused ourselves by "stress of

weather " : but the Earl of Hardwick commanded a ship there' and he is a living witness that "Sir William Parker, on a fine day, with aleading wind and smooth water, weighed his anchor, entered the Dardanelles, and took up his position." Whether that excuse is true or not, is a matter touching our honour.

In Greece' the tone assumed by the noble Lord has sometimes been so of- fensive that hostility was naturally generated. Truth and plain dealing are

the essence of Enghsh honour. " I have every reason to believe," said Sir James—" I confidently believe—that Greece is not innocent of a covert in- terference in fomenting the insurrection in the Ionian Islands." After the insurrection was put down, Sir Henry Ward hinted this unambiguously. King Otho at once gave a solemn denial. Sir Henry Ward thereupon re- tracted the accusation. Nevertheless, Lord Palmerston has since told M.

Drouyn de Lhays, that "in spite of the contrary R9811111IICCS, which polity

had determined Sir Henry Ward to give at Corfu, it was very certain that the hand of the Greek Government had been found in the agitation which excited the population of the Ionian Islands." In vindication of the pecu-

niary claims of Mr. Finlay and Pacifico, more especially the claim for redress on account of the insult to the British officer and .crew, much may be said ; but they appear to bathe lead important of these transactions. The terri-

torial question is glibly prided oVer. In a despatch of the noble Lord's re- plying to an able argument against our claim, he says the claim is iiadis-

putably proved. A mote difficult and doubtful case could not possibly exist ; yet it was by the merest accident flint these islands were not seized in Au- gust last, which would.hare been not only cams fcederis'but eases belli with the other guaranteeing powers. Having gone so far with Greece, to accept French mediation would have been a relinquishment of our independent position ; but refusing mediation to accept "good offices," seemed the surest Way to the difficulty, disappoint-

ment, and dissatisfaction which have resulted. And then, when France pressed for the convention of London, the wise and natural course would have been to yield it immediately. The Danish question is still in such a state as to be no ground for compliment to the noble Lord. In conclusion, Sir James said, "I am asked, to come to a vote affirming absolutely, that under his administration the interests of England have been carried into effect in a manner most conducive to the honour of this country and to our amicable relations with foreign ,powers. It is painful to me to say so, but it is impossible that I can consistently with prudence and a right sense of the transactions I have laid before the House give any such vote." On the motion of Mr. Gnome; the debate was adjourned till the next day.

Mr. Osamisre opened the debate on Tuesday, with a hearty support of Lord Palmerston's policy, as regulated by no wily and unseen influence of a foreign prompter—es orked by no placid and complying tool and au- tomaton—but fitted to maintain the honour, independence, and he might say-the glory, of Great Britain. Mr. Othorne's speech was thickly strewed with characteristic felicities of personality and sallies of humour. He expected that the party whioh had been sedulously reviling the noble Lord, with all the ingenuity of cunning sharpened with the pertinacity of revenge, would have brought the Babied before that House ; but they paused at the threshold, like well-bred spaniels, who I civilly. delight In barking at the game they dare not bite." The right honourable Verona. 'Presented himself last night with " Mitch reluctance," he said ; but certainly neither his manner nor his matter much supported the assertion. His speech was much distinguished by the quality ascribed to Lady Sneerwell in the School for &gaol ; there was a delicate eulogy tinged with that mellowed sneer which was the distinguishing mark of his political scandal. His declaration of friendship reminded' one bf those enormous reptiles of South America which lubricate their victims with their slaver before making them their prey. Like Rbeliefoucauld, perhaps he thinks there is something agreealde, or at least not disagreeable, in the misfortunes of one's best friends. Perehed up on the third bench opposite; he appeared as a sort of guardian of her Majesty's Ministers—as " The sweet little cherub which sits up aloft To keep watch o'er the life of poor Jack."

(Roars of laughter, in which Lord John Russell heartily joined.)

htical Oriole, he is in search of a party,. If he would but be more candid, and speak his mind, •there are many things about him to be admired ; but there is a screw loose somewhere, and assuredly a great party is not to be conciliated by conduct such as had not raised him in public) opinion or the opinion of the House. Mr., Osborne -believed that re aritle conspiracy has been organized against the noble Lord—a conspiracy et-Mb:asters and ex- Ministers, of Km- gs with crowns And Kings witheut ahem, and without character ; of statesmen in place, anti statesmen out of place—a -Conspiracy carried on in the salons of Paris andthe boudoirs of Londish—almost reviving the days of the Fronde; English ladies imitating French examples--eidti- vating a taste for politiesoutd.becorning "all things to all men "--(Laeohter) —all combined against the noble Lord, as if ho were another Mazarin ; and meanwhile, in another place men with English exteriors hut foreign hearts, • Explain a country's dear-bought rights away, • And plead for pirates in the face of day,' aided by articles in the 7'issies,• from "our own eorrespondent "—articles written by a martin aesotiation with the Rusitawand, Austrian agents- For those articles the writer had received from King Otho the order of "Our Sa- viour," which had bean tisna o ,degracied that old General Chnreb had de- clared that he would wear it no lenges, for it was the order of Judas beariet. It surprised him more than anything to find that Members on thatssitie of the House were going to vote ageing the motion. - War is a calamity, but there are things worse, and one of these would be to see the country truck-

ling to Austrian absolutism or Cossack domination. :

Lord Josue MANNEES condemned the arraigned policy from its results. He dissected the chronological sequenced? to :show the bad faith which is perpetually revealed by the delay of accidental -circumstances."

Mr. ANS-TRY felt a difficulty from the ambiguousness of the Motion: Excluding Lord P-almereten's objectionable policy in the cases of -Pe- land, Affghanietan, and China, the foreign policy of the present ,Gpe vernment since February 1848—by what inspiration he did not know, di desire to know—had been such as the resolution of Mr. Roebuck 'deeerihed it : but he disapproved of the manner in which the details had been Care nal :out-. Having no party predilections or antipathies to gratify, he should withhold his vote, Mr. BAILLIM COCHRANE reduced one of the charges- of bad faith against Lord Palmerston to a'cbmpact shape.

M. Bois le Comte had suspected the &Pubic) game of Lord Palmerston in pressing the operations Of 'General Dufour at the -same moment he raised difficulties and tatiseildelaye which made the negotiations nugatory till the war was closed. He instructed M. de Massigime to-obtain proofs of this. M. hiassignae wrote" from Berne; on the 29th November 1847— ' The mystery of the udisiSin of the chaplain to the English mission is unravelled. This morning I called upon the Spanish Minister : after conversing svitb_ him on the subject of the letter which I addressed to you this morning, in the correct- ness of which be Dilly' concurred, • f should like to know,'- said he, 'if Tom- perky really went to Li:kerne to hurry General Dufour's attack on that city?' Who doubts it ?' said he; • • as for me, am sure of it, and,would put my hand into the fire upon it; I have it from the best authority." 1 believe you,' said I, • and I should like much to get Peel to own it before some one besides myself—you, for ex- ample.' This very morning the opportunity airelint itself. We were discussing Swiss affairs with Layas aria Peel. ' • No Pabinetilit Europe,' observed Peel, • has comprehended Swiss tactics except the English, and Lord Palmerston ceased to do so when he signed the joint note." Own, at least,' war, that lie hasmade a fine finish, and that you have played us a pretty trick in hastening the march of events.' '1:fe was silent. I added, • Why this mystery? After the game is decided one may con- fess the part one has played.' is true,' said he, .1 warned General Dufoui-lo finish quickly."

This charge must be met: the noble Viscount must be glad to disprove an accusation Which has Made so much noise throughout Europe.

Lord PALMERSTON next presented himself, amidst great cheering from the Ministerial inches; and said he thought it due from him, not to let the second night of so important a debate pass without stating his views and explaining his conduct.

• The resolution of the' House of Lords tells us that our countrymen :ire en- titled to nothing but theprotection' of the laws and tribunals of the land where they reside. That ,7a. idOstriAre' on which no English Minister ever yet acted, and on svisielithe: peeide of England would suffer no Minister to :act. For example—in a.decreeswasiatelyspassed that any man found with concealed arms in his.possessionelnadd•be, shot on the spot : a-Intife was found- in. the . open stable, of the opensyard of an innkeeper he was tried ; the Crown :lawyer found , that, 'there) was, no )proof-that thelimile belonged' to the man or that he knevs,it was there; -• sio'be,gaee :up Ilimeaae, and the pri- soner's counsel made ,no.defeneetolasa abandoned ease; • but the oeurt) found

• the man guilty, and next morning he was shot : now what would the Eng- lish people have said if that had been a British subject ?, though everything had been done accordingto law. •

Greece revolted in 1820, and assumed a Republican form of government ; in 1827-'8, England, France, and Russia, interposed by force to make Tur- key acknowledge her independence. In 1833, these powers by treaty esta- blished Greece as a monarchy; but England stipulated as an indispensable condition, that it should be a constitutional monarchy, though the constitu- tion should be suspended during Otho's minority. When Otho came of age, no constitution was given. A consequence of the absence of constitutional institutions was, that the whole system of government grew to be full of every kind of abuse. Justice fled from the tribunals; crime spread abroad ; and brigandage became an organized occupation, in the profits of which the police had their share ; tortures the most revolting and inhuman were prac- tised on both sexes. Maltese, Ionians, and other British subjects, became liable to this treatment, like the Greeks themselves—liable to have stones placed on their chests and people dance on them to have their heads tied to their lmees and so be left, to be swung by the heels like a pendulum and bastinadoed as they swung. The House must consider this state of things in considering demands made with a view of putting a stop to such abuses. These matters have been jocosely treated; grave men have been kept on the laugh by the hour at the notion of the poverty of one, the mi- serable habitation of another, sometimes of their nationality, at other times of their religion • as if a poor man might be tortured with impunity, one born in Scotland be robbed without redress, a man of the Jewish persuasion be fair game for any atrocious outrage. It is a true saying, often repeated, that a very moderate share of human wisdom is required in guiding human affairs; there is another truth, that men who aspire to govern mankind ought to bring to their task generous sentiments, compassionate sympathies, and elevated thoughts.

With this exordium he entered on the oft-enumerated list of Greek charges ; giving full details of each, but not placing either in a light materially dif- ferent from that in which they have , already been placed either by Lord Lansdowne ,or by the preceding speakers in the , present debate,—bringing out, however, in somewhat stronger colours the injustice, prevarication, and universal faithlessness of the Greek Government. The reference in Mr. Finlay's case had been accepted ; but by the Greek law =arbitration agree- ment not prosecuted in three months becomes void ; in this case information which could be given by a Greek civil cifficer alone was withheld for that period, and the arbitration, fell to the ground. So the matter was placed again in the same state as before the arbitration. In enforcing claims, we did not, like Admiral Baudin at Naples, demand redress in one hour and a half, under a threat of landing troops, to take care of ourselves, but gave twenty-four hours' notice, that if we did not get redress we should take pledges into our custody as a, security for our claims. He did not send out to Mn Wyse information of the understanding come to with M. Drouyn de Lhuys on,the 9th April, in the _first place,. bemuse he had sent detailed in- structions on the 25th of March, which in spirit would render the "refer- ence" consented to unnecessary, and in fact, Mr. Wylie acted on thew prior instructions, and so avoided the necessity for a "reference" home and a month's further delay : secondly-, for the simple reason that he was at London and not at Paris;. his steamer starting from Ports- mouth would have got to Athens no sooner than the regular steamers from Marseilles or the couriers by Trieste ; and on the 15th, another arrangement at home was proposed which rendered further reference to Mr. Wyse out of the question. "Yielding up the point in Mr. Wyse's settlement with relation to future claims on account of our measures of force, we have instead accepted the "good offices of the French Government, whose good offices with the Government of Greece tinder existing circumstances have some value, to advise the King of Greece not to put forward any such un- founded claims." With regard to Cervi and Sapienza Lord Aberdeen him- self has claimed them: we proposed simply to reassert the formal dominion ithich the Greek Government had by certain acts challenged. It is Greece that intruded on Ionian territory, not England that invaded Grecian terri- tory, Lord Palmerston then followed the wider range over our general foreign policy. which Sir James Graham had taken. He showed that the Belgian il- lustration was not in some• features—the blockade of the Scheldt and the bombardment of Antwerp—so perfectly gentle, or so far short of extremities, as to threaten no complications with friendly.powers. Russia, Prussia, and Austria withdrew from tie, and marched their armies into positions of me- nace; so far as they were concerned, the "little experimental monarchy" of Belgium, since become so stable and respected among the nations of Eu- rope,. would never have been set up. Passing rapid! over Portugal,—our two interferences there being sanctioned by Sir James 'a political par- ticipation in the first,—he alighted on Spanish soil. Our cause there, the cause of constitutional government,. has prevailed ; and it Ur no defeat that General Narvaez is now Minister in Spain, for the constitution has of late been much more strictly observed than at the period to which Sir James Graham referred. Sir James had found fault with the tone of Lord Palmer- ston's despatch to Spain in 1846, as an instance not only of his interfering policy but of his manner and tone of enforcing it : Lord Palmerston retorted with a despatch sent by Lord Aberdeen to Greece in 1844, which he read to the House with interlarded criticisms— "Her Majesty's Government have learned with deep concern the dismissal of Sir Richard Church, who has so usefully and for so many years served the Greek Go- vernment "—Perhaps so far it was very natural for the English Government to regret the dismissal of a meritorious English officer—" Their regret is increased when they find that the person appointed to succeed General Church is a person who has lately been engaged in exciting rebellion against the King of Greece." As to this, one would have thought the King of Greece was himself the best judge. (" Hear, hear!" and a laugh.) "Her Majesty's Government do not propose to interfere in the mat- ter; since, however unjust the deprivation of General Church may have been, and however injudicious the elevation of his successor, these acts were within the com- petence of the Greek Government." This is very handsome and candid. (" Hear!" and laughter.) "But," continues the non-interfering Minister, "though her Ma- jesty's Government abstains from interfering, they deem it an imperative duty on their part—considering the position in which Great Britain stands as a creating and guaranteeing power—to express "— [they do not interfere)—" to express in the strong- est terms their sense of the injury done to Sir Richard Church, who, one of the best, most disinterested, and most efficient supporters of Greek independence, has been abruptly and ungraciously, dismissed, his dismissal unaccompanied by any word of commendation or acknowledgment of his great services to GrMce : and they also ex- press their sense of the excess of imprudence and impoliey ("Hear, hear!") exhibited in the appointment, to the most responsible office lately tilled by Sir Richard Church, of a man whose recent conduct has shown him to be an enemy to the throne and a de- cided perverter of order and discipline." This was the Minister who never inter- fered with the internal arrangements of other powers. ("Hear, hear!" and laugh- ter.) "Her Majesty's Ministers," continues this mild despatch, "consider them- selves fully warranted by the overt acts of General Grivas himself in instructing you to make known their sentiments in their name to the Greek Minister for Foreign Affairs, as well as to the King himself—as well as to the King himself, should a favourable opportunity present itself, and at the same time to make his Majesty most seriously—(" Hear, hear!" and laughter)—most seriously and solemnly aware of the danger to which he will expose his country and his throne by persevering in SO fatal a line of policy as that he has lately pursued."

The writer of this despatch also condemned him for his despatch of the 18th of July 1846, addressed to Sir Henry Bulwer,—a despatch which was not to be communicated to the Sovereign ; and the concluding paragraph of which the right honourable gentleman might as well have read when he read the other portion.

"It was certainly not for the purpose of subjecting the Spanish nation to a grind- ing tyranny that Great Britain entered into the engagements of the quadruple ance of 1133.5, and gave, in pursuance of the stipulations of that treaty, that active assistance which contributed so materially to the expulsion of Don Carlos from Spain. But her Majesty's Government are so sensible of the inconvenience of inter- fenng, even by friendly. advice, in the internal affairs of independent states, that I have to abstain from giving you instructions to make any representations whatever to the Spanish Ministers on these matters : but, though you will of course take care to express on no occasion on these subjects sentiments different from those which I have thus explained to you, and although you will be careful not to express those sentiments in any manner or upon any occasion so as to be likely to create, increase, or encourage discontent, yet you need not conceal from any of those persons who may have the power of remedying the existing evils, the fact that such opinions are- entertained by the British Government." " Now, let the House say whether it is from that quarter that I deserve the condemnation that has been passed upon me. If I am worthy of con- demnation, at all events my detractors are not worthy to condemn: Then he was told—" You cannot be courteous even in your reconciliations ; when your rupture is arranged you spoil the grace and courtesy of the reconcilia- tion. Your mention of Sir Henry Bulwer in your reply to the overtures was enough to disgust the Spanish Government." It is not always fitting to tell diplomatic secrets to the House of Commons, but for this time, in self- defence, he must take them into his confidence : both those two notes, namely, the note of apology and the note of answer, were mutually commu- nicated to and mutually approved by each Government. (Immense cheering and continued laughter.) Those who attack him here and elsewhere, in this and other countries, try to bring everything to a personal matter. That is what they say in Portugal about Costa Cabral, and in Spain about Narvaez ; and it was his dislike to M. Guizot that overthrew M. Guizot's Administra- tion, and with it the Throne of France. " Why, Sir, it is a calumny on the French nation to suppose that the personal hatred of any foreigner to their Minister could have this effect. They are a brave, generous, and noble- minded people, and if they had thought that a foreign conspiracy had been formed against one of their Ministers—(Tremendous and prolonged cheering) —I say this, that if the French people had thought a knot of foreign co - rotors were caballing against one of their Ministers, and caballing for no other reason than that he had upheld, as he thought, the dignity and interests of his country, and if they had thought that such a knot of foreign conspirators had coadjutors in their own land, the French people, this brave, noble, and spirited nation, would have scorned the leaders of such a party—would have clung the closer to and protected the more the man against whom this plot had been made. No, Sir, the French Minister was overthrown by far differ- ent causes. We had a difference with the Government of France relative to the Spanish marriages. I do not wish to open questions which have gone by, or to remind the House or the country of the grounds of complaint which we had, as I think justly, against those who are no longer in power. But, as it IS one count of the long indictment preferred against me, I must say, in my own defence, that that dissatisfaction on our part was not groundless. I must say, too, that I formed that judgment from communications made to me by the noble individual whom I succeeded in the office I hold—from statements from his own mouth made to me in that interview which always takes place between the Foreign Minister who goes out and the Minister who comes in. I learned then from this source, that promises had been bro- ken in regard to these marriages—promises which had been made not only to a Minister, but which had been made between higher personages —promises, therefore, which, so far as I am aware of, in the history of Europe had never before been broken. (Loud cheers.) If we felt dissatis- faction then with those marriages, I think that dissatisfaction was just and well-founded; and upon every ground of national interest and honour we were entitled to express it." Leaving the plains of Castile and the fertile soil of France for the Swiss Alps, he dealt briefly with the accusation of double-dealing in the Sender- bund affair. The assertion that Mr. Peel had declared the English conven- tion so contrary to his instructions that he could not present it to Switzer- land, is impossible. But he might have said that respecting the Duke de Broglie's convention. This misunderstanding is possibly the explanation of the charge. No instructions were ever sent to Mr. Peel to hasten General Dufour in finishing the war ; and so far as the evidence of Sir Edmund Lyons and Mr. Temperley goes, it directly negatives the assertion. Lord Palmerston totally thsbeheves it. The manner in which the admission is said to have been extracted from Mr. Peel does not entitle it to confidence. "I would sooner," said Lord Palmereton, "be the object than the worker of such a stratagem as that. But after all, he might have been bringing them as good as they brought, and treated them as they hoped to trap him- ' Joke on, gentlemen; I am as sharp as you are.'" The causes and course of the Italian negotiations at Rome, in Sicily, and between King Charles Albert and Austria, were then traced • the gist of the defence being, that in each instance we intervened at the request of both parties, instead of interfered against the desires of either. The withholding of the Prince Metternich's despatch was thus explained. Austria had writ- ten inviting our opinion on certain questions connected with Italian affairs; we gave our opinion ; and those two despatches, question and answer, were published. It is said that our answer contained imputations, the reply to which we withheld : but Austria's denial in word; and her overt acts at Ferrara and in Tuscany were not in agreement. From Italy he passed with our fleet to the Dardanelles, and cleared up the discrepancy as to the "stress of weather" excuse. pi the treaty of 1841, the five powers agreed, for the protection of Turkey, to close the Straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus against the ships of foreign powers ; but that treaty does not define what are the Straits. At both entrances there are bays in the broad ante-passages, into which single ships of war and merchant-ships enter while it is ascertained whether their further progress is disapproved. The Ministers of Aus- tria and Russia were using most menacing language with reference to the delivery of the Hungarian refugees; we could not tell what might happen ; we sent our fleet as a signal of comfort and a source of defence to the Sultan if he should be attacked. When our fleet arrived, the Turkish Pasha at the outer castle immediately expressed the Sultan's plea- sure at our arrival, gave us information that the anchorage outside was un- safe in case of bad weather' and invited our fleet to the bay inside his castle, but outside the castle at the mouth of the narrow strait where the tolls are levied. We entered the bay, and remained there ten

i days. But S Stratford Canning immediately advised Sir William Parker to go away, as a question might arise; and Sir William Parker instantly complied. Russia and Austria made representations ; and we have agreed that in future the Straits shall mean the whole distances between the Medi- terranean and the Sea of Marmora and between the Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea ; so that neither English ships shall enter the bay on the South, nor Russian or Austrian ships enter the bay on the North.

"I now think," said Lord Palmerston "I have shown that the foreign policy of the Government., in all these transactions with respect to which its conduct has been impugned, has throughout been guided by those principles which, according to the resolution of the honourable and learned gentleman, ought to regulate the conduct of the Government of England in the manage- ment of foreign affairs. I believe and think, that the principles on which we have acted are those which are entertained by the great mass of the people of England. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) I am convinced these principles are calculated—so far as the influence of England may be permitted properly to be exercised with respect to the destinies of other countries—to conduce to the welfare and happiness of mankind, to the advancement of civilization, to the maintenance of peace, to the development of the resources, and to the prosperity of all other countries as well as of the country in which we live. . . . .Sir, I do not complain of the conduct of those who have made this question a mums of attack upon her Majesty's Government. The Govern- ment of a great country like this is undoubtedly an object of fair and legiti- mate ambition for men of all shades of opinion. Sir, it is a noble thing to be allowed to guide the policy and to influence the destiny of such a country as this; and if it is a fair object of honourable ambition at all times, more than ever it must be so at the moment I am speaking. For while the whole surface of the earth hae been disturbed—while we have been, as it has been said in the course of this debate, whirled about from side to side '—while thrones have been shaken, shattered, and levelled, and institutions over- thrown and destroyed—when almost every country in Europe has witnessed scenes of conflict which have deluged the land in blood, from the Atlantic to the Black Sea, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean—this, country has re- mained a spectacle honourable to the people of England and worthy of the admiration of mankind. (Enthusiastic cheers.) We have shown that liberty is compatible with order. We have shown that individual freedom is reeon- saleable with perfect obedience to the law. We have shown the example of a nation in which even, class of society cheerfully accepts the lot which Providence has assigned it, and where every individual is trying to raise himself in the social scale, not by injustice and wrong, not by violence and illegality, but by persevering good conduct, and by the steady and energetic application of those moral and intellectual faculties with which his Creator has endowed him. I say that to govern such a people, is indeed an object worthy of the ambition of the noblest men who live in the land. Therefore I find no fault with those who think any opportu- nity is a fair one to place themselves in so distinguished a position : but I contend that we have not, in the course of our foreign policy, done anything to forfeit the confidence of the country. (Tremendous cheering.) I contend that, whether in this matter or in that we may have acted up to the opinion of one person or of another,—and hard, indeed, it is, as we all know by private experience, to find any number of men agreeing upon any matter in which all may not equally be acquainted with the details of facts, circumstances, reasons, and conditions, which have led to action,—I say, making allowance for these differences of opinion, I maintain that the prin- ciples which can be traced throughout all our foreign transactions, and which have been the guiding rule by which we have been directed, are, in my opinion, deserving the approbation of the country ; and I challenge the verdict which this House may give upon the question now before it, as a political, as a commercial, as a constitutional country, whether the principles which have governed the foreign policy of the British Government—whether the duty of affording protection to our subjects abroad, which we have con- sidered as the guide of our conduct, are proper and fitting for those charged with the government of England, or whether, as in days of old, the Roman held himself to be free from indignity who hail said Civis Romanus sum,' or whether British subjects should find themselves protected by the vigilant

eve and strong arm of their Government against injustice and wrong." rd Palmerston, who had been speaking from a quarter to ten o'clock until twenty minutes past two, concluded amid a burst of enthusiastic applause which was caught up again and again for several minutes, and continued with un- abated vigour.]

On the motion of Sir Joux WALSH, the debate was immediately ad- journed till Thursday.

In resuming the debate on Thursday, Sir Joins WAISH tendered to Lord Palmerston unbounded admiration of his speech considered as an

effort of Parliamentary and mental power, but indicated its evasions of the principal points involved in the resolution of the House of Lords, and suggested some topics which were afterwards more fully developed by ' other speakers.

The noble Lord would constitute the British Government not merely a court of appcal but a sort of court of preniFere instance wholly setting aside the laws and tribunals of all foreign states. The Roman claimed freedom from

indignity because he could say " Ciabl Romanus sum" ; but his stride was that of a conqueror in the midst of an enslaved world; his foot was on the

neck of all the subjugated nations of the earth. Lord Palmerston's conduct In Naples and Sicily convicts him of political propagandism, and shows him to be strongly imbued with the Jesuitical maxim, that the cud justifies the means. Mgdle his agent Lord Minto was carrying to the Sicilians conditions which he had assisted the King in framing, his agent Lord Napier was secretly intriguing to erect Sicily into an independent kingdom, with the Duke of Genoa for its Sovereign.

Sir Hamm VEILNELY met the charge, that while overbearing to the weak we truckle to the strong, by quoting the firm communications addressed to Lord Bloomfield and Baron Brnnow—eharacterized by that plain manly simplicity which ought ever to distinguish British diplomacy. Sir ROBERT Drams would have felt more difficulty in the vote he was prepared to give, had the question at issue been simply that of our Greek policy, and not our whole foreign policy : but, independently of that diffi- culty, his vote was decided by the terms on which the noble Lord at the head of the Government had been daring enough to rest the issue of the question,—amounting to a declaration, that so far as the foreign relations of the country were ooncerned, he preferred a single to a double chamber.

Declaring himself compelled to withhold support from any motion which gave unqualified praise to the foreign policy of the Government, Sir Ro- bert closed with a tribute of admiration to Lord Palmerston's speech, as unrivalled in Parliamentary talent and power of debate, and unexampled in containing not one single instance of personal bitterness or declamation throughout.

The Marquis of GRANBY echoed the praises of the unrivalled speech of Lord Palmerston, but recalled the House to the propagandism of his He believed it entirely erroneous to say that the King of Naples ever lost confidence that he should reconquer Sicily ; and if he ever did so, it was entirely owing to the presence of our fleet off Palermo, and its threats to fire on the King's ships if they bombarded the town : at the best, we caused the despair which we advance as an excuse for our treachery. Regarding the suppressed Austrian despatch, whether or not Metternich was sincere, does not excuse the withholding information of the most vital importance from Parliaments In the Greek claims, Pacifico first swore that he could not identify his robbers, Wen swore he saw the sons of the Minister of War : these -are described as young men twenty years old, though the only son of the Minister of War then at Athens was a boy under twelve. The Portu- guese documents destroyed were a mere protest against Pacifica's claim ; and moreover not oven the original, but a copy only, the originals still existing in the archives at Athens. The Finlay arbitration did not expire on the 17th January, when the final twenty-four hours' notice of our forcible action was given, but on the next day after; and if the arbitrator chose he might have sett eel the case on that next day. The talents and patriotism of Lord Pal- merston are admitted and admired; but the greater those talents, the greater the clanger in their misapplication : admit his desire to promote the in-

terests, dignity, and honour of England, his mode of effecting his object has Insulted every nation, alienated all our allies, and left us without a friend on the Continent of Europe.

; Sir Watratt Moursworrra reminded the House that it was sitting as a court of solemn appeal, to confirm or reverse the judgment of the Peens. Foreign statesmen are aware that the representatives of the British people, generally speaking, exercise little or no control over foreign affairs, and leave the Foreign Minister almost irresponsible. They praise and blame the British Government, without much praising or blaming the British

on account of foreign policy. But tonight all that would be changed, an the deliberate verdict now asked would either identify the people with the Government, or separate the people from it, in regard to foreign policy. If the vote be sanctioned, the Minierers will be required to persevere in the present policy, and the people will be pledged to support them whatever be the consequences.

The principles of this policy have been described by Mr. Roebuck; and as explained by him they have not been corrected by Lord Palmerston, in one of the ablest speeches of modern times. In the case of individual rights and wrongs, her Majesty's Ministers are to "extend the protection and shield of England to her wandering sons, who are carried by commerce, by pleasure, or by necessity, to the various regions of the world." This vague and dan, gerous principle has been expressly maintained with regard to despotic coun- tries, therefore with regard to Russia and Austria; and they, have been applied practically in constitutional Greece ; they are therefore held applicable to all the governments of the world : if we do apply them universally, our Foreign Minister will become the chief policeman and the supreme judge of every country in all matters respecting British citizens. The true rule would appear to be rather, that "if a British subject think proper to wander wherever pleasure or profit may tempt him, he must take the consequences of so doing ; and the more despotically or the worse governed a country may be, the less entitled should the British citizen be to expect that the Secre- tary of State for Foreign Affairs should be at hand to protect him." With regard to interference in foreign local affairs, it is asserted to be the duty of her Majesty's Government "to warn foreign governments to make conces- sions to their people ; to tell foreign nations that we are friendly to all indi- viduals who are anxious for the right of self-government" ; "that we are friendly to every effort that shall be made abroad to obtain self-government and to crush tyranny and despotism." This course we have pursued with very little success, in Spain, Portugal, Greece, Switzerland, Hungary, Pied- mont Lombardy, Rome, Naples, and Sicily; yet it is defended on the plea, that from us has emanated "all that is worth respect in the self-government of men," and that we "soar in unapproachable greatness" above the other nations of the earth. The really great do not boast. Constitutional government and democratic institutions are the best forms of government for communities of our race in every part of the globe, beeesiee by long experience of centuries we have acquired an aptitude for them ; "but," said Sir William, "I am not sufficiently acquainted with the wants,babits and feelings of foreign nations, to presume to assert that British institutions and British liberties are the only means" by which they can be governed at well as we. "I object to the 'moral influences' which consist of instrucs ring ambassadors to become the chiefs of foreign political parties"—of "send- ing envoys as wandering lecturers on the principles of constitutional govern. ruent." They cause us to be looked upon as an officious meddling nation-, and to be hated by all parties in all nations alike. To maintain pretensions as lofty and arrogant as those of Imperial Rome, what fleets, what armies, what expenditure, what burden.of taxation, would not be requisite A great portion of our present expenditure is the consequence of our past foreign policy. How then will the Financial Reformers vote ? Many condemn the foreign policy, but fear that if the motion be lost the Government will resign. -If they do resign, Sir William does not believe that men cannot be found among the Liberal party qualified to take their places : but suppose the disagreeable alternative of the gentlemen opposite coming into power, he does not believe that they who have so large a stake in the prosperity of the country—that the landed gentlemen under leaders of the abilities of Lord Stanley, and with the talents of his honourable friend Mr. Disraeli would pursue a policy leading to confusion, revolution, and destruction of property. Liberal prin- ciples are not to be upheld by means which, if used in the ordinary relations of life, every man would pronounce dishonourable—by sacrificing convictions to avert a political inconvenience. If there be a dissolution of Puha- ment—" why not? Moat of us vote for triennial Parliaments, and the three years have expired." But some of us will lose our seats : "so much the better—the assumption being that we do not represent our constituents." These pleas cast a discredit on representative institutions in the eyes of Eu- rope, which all the noble Lord's Ambassadors and wandering missionaries will never wash out. Sir William avowed himself a cordial supporter of the do- mestic policy of her Majesty's Government; but he protested ten years ago against their foreign policy, and his views are unchanged : therefore, with- out hesitation, though with regret, he should vote against the motion.

Mr. .Anaus gave Sir William Molesworth entire credit for the con- scientious regret with which he would vote against political friends; but this was but one of many illustrations of the great dangers to which the development of a brilliant theory would lead.

The rule of our government is non-interference wherever practicable ; but circumstances will sometimes render non-interference impossible,—as when this country was the exponent of Protestantism, and again in the time of Cromwell. To show the great and beneficial effect of our proceedings, Mr. Adair quoted letters received by himself from merchants, manufacturers, and from the words of a gentleman who assured him he had been in every di- rection among the middle classes of the Metropolis—(LarmAter)--ench a wit- ness appeared to him beyond suspieion--(Grest laughter)—and if there is any one point on which the Movement party will give its support to the Ministry, it is on their foreign policy. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT acknowledged the universal estimate of Lord Palmeraton's character, which infers from his personal frankness and manliness that he would be the last man to act in a private capacity otherwise than the, most scrupulous regard to honour would dictate : but it must be said that in the conduct of foreign affairs he is guided by the maxims of the diplomacy of the last century—that with the altered cir- cumstances ho has not introduced into his official proceedings the more frank, straightforward, unreserved mode of conducting affairs that is re- quired in Europe, and which is all the more called for every time a re- presentative nation is added to those already in existence. The noble Lord told the House that his Spanish despatch was seen and accepted by the Spanish Government : but the Spanish Government might well accept that despatch ; they could afford to be generous, for they would not suffer by the contrast in the tone of the two letters. But the noble Lord's was only a half confidence : would he tell the House what other draughts of letters had been submitted to the Spanish Government before the despatch in question had been accepted as the least offensive of them all-? ("Bear, hear !") Mr. Herbert testified from personal knowledge, gathered while in Italy during the eventful scenes of 1847, that the Pope began with- out the slightest intention to make constitutional reforms. The abuses in the administration of justice and finance throughout the States of the Citurch were something beyond all human conception : the ambition of the Pope was, to raise his states in these respects to the level of the excellently- administered and prosperous state of Thwany. But Lard Minto's mission was totally misinterpreted by the people, and he himself contributed to the erroneous belief that he came to hasten the,progress of constitutional free- dom. He could not have chosen in the Italian language words more fatal than "Long live the Independence of Italy !" The name of Austria was used as a bugbear by La Giovane Italia, but the more correct view was that Austria was too frightened to move: Mr. Abercrombie, however, fed the noble Lord with stories of her hostile intentions; Austrian denials of these statements were suppressed, in a manner no gentleman would dare to imitate in doing business with his fellow; the Italians were excited by the inter- ference of England to such a pitch of enthusiasm and excess as to destroy all of consolidating the states of Italy by the advance of free and Cfaeldinstitutions. The result of our constitutional propagandism was one vast engulfinent in anarchy, followed by a military despotism stricter than before.

Sir Geonox GREY gladly availed himself of the opportunity to avow, not only the feelings of personal regard which he cherished for his noble friend,—admiration for his untiring energy, his conspicuous ability, and the ceaseless vigilance with which he has conducted, under circumstances of unexampled difficulty, the affairs of his office,—but to avow "full and entire concurrence in the general principles which regulate the policy of her Majesty's Government—the policy he is empowered by her Majesty's Government to carry into effect." We should interfere to the least possible extent, and not in regard to the form of government, but to give advice in certain cases in consequence of obligations previously incurred ; or, where advice has been asked, to give Emoh advice as may establish tottering thrones and place them on a surer ba- sis by promoting those principles of constitutional government which equally avert the encroachments of despotism on the one hand and those of anarchy on the other. This has been the effect of our policy. The peace of Europe has been maintained, the principles of constitutional liberty are making pro- gress against those of despotism. But peace may be too dear; friendly relations ought not to be maintained at the expense of the individual rights of British subjects, still less at that of the national interest and honour.

Mr. GranstroNe commenced by showing the irrelevancy of Lord John Russell's precedents.

The House of Lords has not now, as in 1710, passed a resolution on a hy- pothetical case ; nor has the Government ventured to raise the same issue in the House of Cemmons that has been decided against them in the House of Lords. Why should the honourable Member for Buckinghamshire move ? he is not so III satisfied with the vote of the Peers as to wish to disturb it. It is the Ministers who object to the vote ; it is they, who know that no Mi- nistry should conduct the affairs of the country with a crippled power, that ought to disturb the vote. The issue is changed because there is a sentiment among the noble Lord's own friends that he is not altogether a prudent man in the management of the foreign policy. (Loud cheers, and cries of dis- sent.) Yea, a sentiment prevails even amongst yourselves—( Uproar; Cries of "2i, tie, no !" "Name !" and laughter)—yes, even amongst yourselves, that we are usually not far from a war when the administration of foreign af- fairs is in his hands." But at the same time, he has a source of strength in that particular quarter of the House, who believe that his main study is to promote the progress of popular principles.

Yr. Gladstone then asked, on what principle is the Foreign Minister to proceed in protecting the interests of British subjects ? In what manner are engagements to coguarantecing powers to be observed ? Has the conduct of the noble Lord to the great country of France been of a character to preserve our friendly relations with het. Passing to Greece—we were entitled to an apology in the case of the Fan- tome. We should have asked it in a decisive manner, without force ; but there is an inexplicable gap in the correspondence : we never asked in plain terms for an apology, and an apology was never refused. Stellio Sumachi, a peraon of no known character, accused of a theft, made an ex-parte com- plaint of a wrong whieli he probably underwent ; Lord Palmerston instantly adopts the statement, calls it disgraceful to the Greek Government,. and de- mands dismissal of officers ; afterwards he demands a full inquiry; and having thus shifted from violence to reason, he holds his peace—the ease disappears from the correspondence : the sufferings of this man, which so harrowed the mind of Mr. Page Wood, have been treated with contempt, no redress has been obtained, no protection secured. Mr. Finley's claim was in substance just ; but he was entitled to no remedy by diplomacy until he had exhausted his remedies by the law of Greece. It is said that the Greek Government do not refer him to the tribunals: they did so thrice—on the 19th of February 1846, on the 4th of November 1846, on the 21st of November 1848. It is said the tribunals are unjust, and the judges re- moveable by the Crown at pleasure : Mr. Finlay himself says, with a man- liness that does him honour—" It is true the Greek tribunals have so boldly

defended the rights of the press and of people, that I should appeal to them with the greatest confidence in equity, if the judges were nominated for life." In 1836, Sir Edmund Lyons wrote home that the press was un- checked and the tribunals were completely independent. There is a flourish- ing school of law in Greece, a regular system of jurisprudence, and courts of appeal; and the highest court of appeal, the Areopagus at Athens, is ono against which no suspicion has over been cast. It is said that the arbitration had fallen to the ground in January, from the efflux of the three months al- lowed by law : but is it not true, thongh riot stated in the papers, that the Greek Government offered to waive their privilege of restricting the arbitra- tion to three months? is it not true that the arbitration did proceed ? and is it not true that Baron Gros declares that Mr. Finlay himself had not placed the neeessitry doeuments before the arbitrators, eren on the 24th of March 1800. Paoifioo suffered a detestable and execrable outrage : three days after- wards he resorted to diplomatic interference. Six months after, he com- plains of another outrage : Lord Palmerston very properly instructed a prose- cution at the expense of the British Government, and the British Consul was instructed to use all the authority of Great Britain to see justice done : but Pacifico wrote to say that not one of the Greek bar would undertake a suit for the poor despised Pactifice ; and from that day we hear no more of resorting to the tribunals. The noble Lord's mode of demanding redress is briefly summed up. Ile urged upon a feeble .power claims that bear upon the face of them fraud, falsehood and absurdity • he violated the first principles of international law, and 'broke the stipulations of our treaty with Greece,—" the subjects of etteh emmtry shall conform to the obligations on native subjects by the law of each conntry,"—by passing the tribunals of Greece, not only without es- busting, but without even trying, the means of civil redress which they offered to Mr. Finlay and M. Paeifico ; and he resorted to the use of force instead of following the method of order. Reviewing rapidly our relations with France, Mr. Gladstone charged Lord Palmerston with keeping Mt. Wyse imperfectly and inadequately informed of what he did or agreed to with M. Dronyti de Limp M London ; and altimately with pursuing a come not worthy of the courage he shows in the House of Commons, while from Russia we have provoked language which should sting to the quick those gentlemen of Liberal polities who re- volt at the idea of being humbled in the eyes of a despotic power. They had heard a masterly speech—no man listened with greater admiration than himself while from the dusk of one day till the dawn of the next the noble Lord defended his policy before a crowded Rouse of Commons, in that gigantic intellectual and p yawl effort : but that masterly speech was all the compen- sation they had. The noble Lord's courage, vigour, and patriotism, are ever to be respected ; but his policy is marked by a perpetual endeavour after in- terference. He is disposed to make occasions for interference, and to boast that he makes them. Looking to the low consideration of interest, it is a perilous inclination. Suppose in the insurrection of Canada a portion of the province had remained some time in the hands of the insurgents—what should we have thought of a foreign power which, before our soldiers had been expelled from the soil they were defending, had anticipated events u we did in Sicily, and indicated to the people, .611 only insurgents, the thole* of a particular ruler ? No Minister can really protect Englishmen but by observing the principles that have been consecrated by the universal consent of mankind for regulating the conduct of nation to nation. Great as our power is, we cannot for any long time maintain an isolated polioy. It is not the duty of a Foreign Minister to be like a knight-errant, ever pricking forth, armed at all points, to challenge all comers, and lay as many adver• series as possible sprawling—or the noble Lord would be a master of the art. but to maintaiu that sound code of international principles, which, though. Mr. Roebuck may treat it lightly, is a monument of human wisdom and a precious inheritance bequeathed by our fathers for the better preserving of the future brotherhood of nations.

Mr. HENRY De:amnion) made a brief speech, equally condemning the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston and of his immediate predecessors; and declared that he would not join in a run upon the least ignoble mem. her of the Whig Government, selected not for any dereliction of duty, but to serve the purpose of a faction and because foreign whisperers have been at work. To gratify Sir James Graham and Lord Stanley he would not vote against the motion. On the motion of Mr. COCKBURN, the debate was adjourned for the third time.


The Marquis of LANSDOWNE stated, on Monday, the results of the In- quiries which he promised last week as to the legality of the Post-office regulation prohibiting letter-sending on Sunday. He found that there in no doubt as to the power of the Crown to make regulations for the de- livery of letters in the Post-office. But in saying that the Crown had that power, he must also add, that, in his opinion, that power ought not to be exercised except in accordance with the votes of the House of Commons. The power depended on the 9th clause of the 2d and 31 of Victoria, which runs in these words—" And be it en- acted, that all post-letters shall be posted, forwarded, conveyed, and delivered, under and subject to all such orders and directions, regulations, limitations, and restrictions, as the Postmaster-General, with the consent of the Lords of the Treasury; shall from time to time direct." Lord BROUGHAM mentioned several cases of serious inconvenience caused by the new regulations: among them was one in which a patient lost his life because he could not communicate with an eminent mediae,. practitioner. The Marquis of LANSDOWNH feared that the present sew gulations would be a constant source of the desecration of the Sabbath,


The County Rates Bill was explained by Sir HENRY HALFORD' who; he moved its second reading, to be a measure for throwing the burden the county and police rates on the owners instead of the occupants. The Poor-law Commissioners recommended that all local rates should lm merged in a general rate on the owners, instead of the occupants : he would not go so far as that, because the poor-rate rises and falls with the employ- ment of labour, and the occupant has a share in its administration. But the county-rate is fixed for a whole district, extending over many parishes, and is applied to works often of a permanent nature in which the ommiant has no concern. The principle of relieving the occupant has been conoeded In the case of lunatic asylums, and it should be in such establishmenta as pri- sons.

Mr. CORNEWALL Lewis denied the assumption that the Poor-law Com. missioners recommended that their general rate should be transferred front the occupier to the owner; they confined their recommendation to the cases of small tenements, and there is already a bill before Parliament to give facilities for carrying that transference out. He moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. This amendment was carried, without division ; so the bill was thrown out.


The third reading of the Larceny Summary Jurisdiction Bill waa op- posed by Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND ; who moved that it be read a third time that day six months. Ile received the support of Mr. Mo.:merest litivens ; partly on the ground that the bill in its altered shape is it mere transfer of jurisdiction, not worth the special enactment of the Legis- lature. The amendment was negatived, by 119 to 25. The bill was read a third time ; a clause was added ; and then the bill passed.


The second reading of Mr. Aglionby's Copyhold Enfranchisement Bill was opposed by Mr. CHRISTOPHER, as onesided, the whole advantage being conferred on the tenant, and the interests of manorial lords being sacrificed. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND and Mr. MULLINOS objected that the measure is also not what it professes to be : instead of enfranchising copyholds, it will only commute the copyhold incidents, while it will perpetuate the tenure, and the Courts and Commissioners. Sir GEORGN GREY, finding an unanimous approval of the principle of compulsory en- franchisement, supported the second reading. Mr. AOLIONBY promised to try and modify the clauses in Committee so as to insure general approba- tion. The merit of the measure as it stands is that it will free eopyholds from the objectionable parts, and leave untouched the serviceable parts of the tenure. Read a second time.


On the motion to read a second time the Accidents on Railways Bill, Mr. NEWDEGATE explained the circumstances which led to its introdue. tion.

A poor man was maimed on the Midland Counties Railway ; the railway officers sent for an eminent surgeon, Mr. Sands Cox, of Birmingham, and' that gentleman saved the patient's life by taking off the man's leg at the hip. The poor man recovered 150/. damages from the company, and Mt. Justice Maude at the trial declared them liable for the surgeon's bill. But the company repudiated the order given by their officers to Mr. Cox, and it is- found that the law will not compel them to pay him. The people of Bir- mingham, in public meeting, resolved to indemnify Mr. Cox for his coat in trying the legal question. Some time after, an accident occurred on the Lancashire and Yorkshire line, by which the leg of an engine-stoker wait

cut in two. The railway officers now, knowing that their company was not liable, and that they would be personally liable for ordering a surgeon in, re- fused to send for such aid. The poor man died—and no wonder. Mr. Row- degate was surprised to find that the companies resisted this point so strongly.; for how could it be their interest to increase the public feeling of insecurity with respect to railway accidents?

The bill was opposed by the railway interest, with the assistance of Mr. tinoucasaz and the ATroarant-Gmisaar.; the Government advising the House to sanction no exceptional legislation such as this without some very clear case calls for it. There is no adequate occasion here for alter- ing the law of principal and agent; for where blame rests with the com- panies or their agents, the law of damages gives the means of recovering the expenses of surgical attendance. The second reading was negatived, by 108 to 53, and the bill was accordingly lost.


A stage in the progress of the Prussian Minister's Residence Bill

through the House of Commons was embraced by Sir ROBERT INGLIS IO make a severe comment on "a circumstance which recently occurred to the Minister whose name and whose person were recently dragged before another assembly." He could not have believed there was another place in this country, he

could hardly believe there was another place in Europe, and he could an- swer for America,—he could not have believed that, among civilized men, there could be found any place in which such an individual could have been made the object of wanton if not of premeditated insult. (Loud cheers.) But that one place had been found, and found too where it could have been least expected. He had no desire to provoke a collision between any two assem- blies, or between any two individuals : but he maintained, that for a man at home, in his own country, and in his own house, to attack one who was a stranger and a guest,—that stranger being the representative, he might say the friend, of a Sovereign most closely allied to our own beloved Queen,— was an act of discourtesy which he was sure all would deprecate. He would not say that the Chevalier Bunsen was an inoffensive man; it would degrade him almost to use such a phrase. He was one of the most actively kind and practically benevolent men whom it had ever been his happpiness to know; and, though he did not agree with his politics, nor always even with his literature, or his ecclesiastical and theological views, nor with his chronology, yet he had so frequently enjoyed the benefit of his large and varied acquire- ments, that he forgot everypoint of difference when he found such a man attacked. He willingly bore in mind his kind, frank, simple, and a week ago he himself would have allowed him to say his English manners ; and, when he found such a man drawn before another assembly, he would not say in violation of the rules of the assembly, for he left that question un- touched, but in violation of all the courtesies of life, and that in the presence of many of her Majesty's Ministers, who heard it without observation and certainly without reproof, he believed he was not occu- pying needlessly the time of the House when he gave to English gentle- men the opportunity of expressing their sympathy. He begged the House would allow him to gay, that the explanation which had been elsewhere given added another insult to the one already _perpetrated. To say that one did not understand English, who understood English and wrote English at least as well as the individual who presumed to attack him, was only to aggravate the insult. Having received, as he ventured to think, the concur- rence of the House in the observations he had made—(Cheers' aud some cries of "No J")—being perfectly satisfied that the cheers, if not universal, were nearly so, he did not deem it necessary to trespass longer on the atten- tion of the House.

Mr. Rostrum observed that there were conflicting statements on this matter, and he thought Sir Robert Inglis might have left the assembly in which these circumstances occurred to right itself with the world on the subject. Lord Brougham's thrice-repeated courteous request on behalf of ladies kept standing was treated with a blank silence. The House, knowing his noble and learned friend, would understand his being offend- ed at such a reception : on the fourth occasion, Lord Brougham said, "Now I am obliged, I will have you turned out." Lord JOHN Resszu, without inquiring which was the correct state- ment, contented himself with some words of admiring regard for the Chevalier Bunsen, and of regret that anything painful should have occur- red to him. The personal topic was then dropped.