Erhatrg atth frorraingo in hr1iainut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEER.

House OF LORDS. Monday, May 24. Free-trade Policy ; Income-tax Bill, read a second time Tuesday, May 25. Copyholds Enfranchisement Bill, read a second time, and re- ferred to a Select Committee—School Sites Act Extension Bill, read a second time pro forma. Thursday, May 27. Common law Procedure Bill, read a third time and passed- .Copyholds Enfranchisement Bill ; Select Committee nominated—Income-tax Con- tinuance Bill, read a third time and passed—Parliamentary Representation ; Lord Derbrs present Opinions on the subject—Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill. Friday, May 28. Royal Assent, by Commission, to about sixty Bills, public and private—Mr. Mather's Case ; Statement by Lord Malmesbury—Treatment of the late Baroness Von Beck—Masters in Chancery Aboltion Bill, and Improvement of the Jurisdiction of Equity Bill, read a third time and passed—House adjourned over Whitsuntide, till ThurSday Housx OP COMMONS. Monday, May 24. Finsbury Park—Colliery Accidents ; Se- lect Committee granted to Mr. Cayley-.Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill, read a third time and passed—Poor-law Continuance Bill, passed through Committee. Tuesday, May 25. Extra morning sitting. Maynooth ; the adjourned debate on Mr. Spooner's Motion for Inquiry, resumed, continued, and adjourned to the even- ing sitting. At the evening sitting, only 28 Members present, and "No House "— House adjourned over the Derby Day till Thursday. Thursday, May 27. Militia Bill, as amended, considered in Committee—Valuation (Ireland) Bill, read a second time—Patent Law Amendment Bill, read a-second time, and to lie referred to a Select Committee—Law of Wills Amendment Bill, considered in Committee—Maynooth ; the adjourned debate on the Motion to adjourn the de- bate adjourned to Friday. .Friday, May 28. Maynooth Debate; Statement by the Chancellor of the Exche- quer—Mr. Murray's Case ; Conversation—Diplomatic Service, Light Dues, and Postal Service to India; Discussions raised by Mr. Ewart, Mr. flume, and Lord Jocelyn—Vivar of Frome's Case ; Mr. Herman gives noticefor a Committee—Bish- opric of Christchurch New Zealand Bill ; Committee opposed, and postponed till next Thursday—Business of the House: Resolutions for Morning Sittings—House adjourned over Whitsuntide, till Thursday next.

TIME

The Lords. The Commons.

Hour of Hour of }lour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment. Meeting. Miournment,

Monday its . . 10h 30m Monday 45 . (as) lh 46m Tuesday 615 . . fitt 25na Tuesday Noon .... 8h Om Wednesday No Sitting. Wednesday No Sitting. Thursday 611 . Its 26m Thursday 4h .(m) Sh Om

Friday 4h Si. loin Friday 4A .(mi 21146m — this Session. SO; — Om — this Session, 61; — 427h 461n THE INCOME-TAX: FREB-TRABE POLICY.

The Earl of DERBY moved the second reading of the Income-tax Con- tinuance Bill with a very brief speech, hardly referring to the substance of the question ; and in fact stating that he had entered into an under- standing with a noble friend who had a motion on the paper, that the bill should be merely read a second time pro forma that evening, and that the discussion upon it should be taken at the next stage, namely, on the mo- tion to commit the bill.

In a few general remarks he stated, that the measure was founded on the certain expectation thatif it were not passed the national income would be deficient by two millions and a half at the end of this year, and five millions next year ; and that the continuance of the tax would most likely be in the opin' ion of his opponents the only course consistent with the engagements which the Government had contracted with the country.

But the Duke of NEWCASTLE did not acknowledge this understanding,

or suggestion,

Thinking it desirable, in the present state of uncertainty attaching -to the future, that there should be some discussion on the origin of the measure before. the House, and on its connexion with the Free-trade policy, he went fully Into the subject, to show, first, that the Income-tax was not imposed simply to supply a deficiency, but also as an auxiliary to the policy of Free- Sittings this Week, 4 ; Time, 1411 ions Sittings this

4 Time.37h SOm Week, ,

trade ; and secondly, that the policy of Free-trade itself has been, so far as it is applied, a source of the prosperity now pervading the country. The first point he recalled clearly to mind by quotations both from the 9eech of Sirthibert Peel-when heproposed the enactment of the tax, and aiso from those,of the 'Marquis of lamdowne on proposing the renewal of the tax in May 58,51, and Lord Derby in opposing lhat renewal in 1851, whenhe talked of .&e Free-trade 'Hairy as having brought ruin upon the country. The. second preposition he supported by an array df figures showing the immensely increased consumption of toffee, tea, sugar, and cocoa, by our people; the great increase of our shipping and our seamen,—a better criterion than the entries inwards and outwards to and from our own ports, because a large per. lion of our ships and men are now doing an immense trade between the foreign countries which under reciprocal treaties have opened their navige. tion to us ; the great decrease of pauperism and crime, most strikingly Been in agricultural counties—in the by-lanes of such towns as Salisbury, Grmnt. ham, and that town [Windsor] whence a still small voice of warning bed a few hours ago come up to London—and at such quarter-sessions as that over which the Duke himself presides, where the criminal business that used to occupy three days is now transacted in one. Observing, that of course there would be no objection to the palming of the Income-tax on the present occasion, the Duke concluded with some strictures on the broad hints thrown out, that the system of taxation was so vicious in itself that it was impracticable without exceptions, and with exceptions no better than confiscation. He advised Lord Derby to take warning by what is passing through the country, and not for a moment think of a return to duties on the import of articles required for the trade of the country or fire food of the people. Such an idea woUld be utterly impracticable and utterly mischievous ; for.the House of Commons about to be returned would he such as would heartily support the people in their resistance to any change, any reversal, revision, or modification—whatever name might be adopfea —of the great principle which in the last ten. years had so enormously benefited the country and blessed its population. The noble Earl had put himself forward as the champion against Democratic innovations : bet the noble Earl was only one among hundredsin that House and in the other House who would resist Democratic innovations of dangerous character; of which, however, there were at present not the slightest indications in the country. The noble Earl had no right to assume to himself that-character until he had made a clean breast upon this most importeigt question. A-declaration that night, or at any other time before-Parlis.solved, from the noble Earl, that he had once and for all-finally abandoned any intention of restoring the Corn-laws, or tampering with the great commercial Changes of which he was one of'the advocates at the outset, would-place him in a position before the people which might indeed entitle him to some claim of that kind. But of this the Duke was certain, that a Conservative policy at this day was a policy of rational, steady, well-considered, and therefore safe and salutary progress. Ho believed we could not stand still without danger ; but of this he was still more certain, that if there was anything like an attempt at reaction, then indeed the noble Earl would forfeit the character he assumed, and would, though unintentionally yet assuredly, be promoting that onward -program of Democracy which be thought he saw, and which he was anxious to arrest. A Conservative policy is a policy of progress : to stand still is dangerous ; but a government of reaction, however slow, is a government of revolution. Lord BEMIRES observed that in some counties the cry is "Free-trade or Starvation." He quoted returns to show that the expenditure on the poor was 440,0001. more in .1850 than in '1836 ; that in the last sixteen years the expenditure on the poor was less in the eight years when wheat was above 52a, than in the eight years when wheat was 'below 528. ; and, that the savings-banks depositors were 20000 fewer in 1-849 than in 1846.

Lord Werneliouss answered, that in his neighbourhood he had heard that from the rise of wages, the farmers there were apprehensive that the condition of the labourers will improve 'beyond-theinown.

He recounted the statements of Iiinisters,and their supporters-to show the general impression of elaborate-mystification as to their policy and intentions which they have produced, and to justify every Member of Parliament in the duty of endeavouring to obtain explication of that mystery. He warned Lord Derby, that by the course he was pursuing he was doing injury to the great party of which he is the head. The Earl of Amiestrame regretted the chariness of Ministers in Parlia- ment; which was especially hard upon their Lordships when they ob- served the explanations elicited at other places, such as the Mansionhouse, by turtle and champagne. He backed up the large proofs given by the Duke of Newcastle of the good effects of the Free-trade policy, by figures. showing that the labourer can now-a-days increase even his luxuries materially : the tobacco consumed in 1821 was 11 ounces per head of the population ; in 1631 it was 12 ounces, in 1841 it was 13 ounces, and in 1851 it was 16 ounees—the last an enormous leap—although the duty was the same through the whole of those decennial periods. He gave some remarkable proofs that however the tenant-farmer may be struggling, his energy and enterprise, and even his command and use of capital, are now enormously greater than ever before, and still in- creasing in a manner equally wonderful and creditable. The quantity of bones and guano used in 1848 was 103,995 tone; in 1849, 112,862 tons; in 1850, 144,123 tons; in 1851, no lees than 274,970 -tons—valued at 101. per ton, that is 2,749,700/. These are proofs, that though there has certainly been depression among the tenant-farmers, due to the state of transition, yet their present condition is one of energetic recovery, pointing forward to the tune when they may participate in the prosperity which surrounds them, and which is due to the application so far of the Free-trade -system. Lord Albemarle therefore implored the noble Earl at the head-of the Government to declare, what the world was beginning to think, that his convictions had undergone a great change.

No member of the Government yet rising, Earl GnAievrtes pressed fur- ther home the questioning. He thought it really surprising that such statements as had been made that night should not be either refuted or admitted gracefully. It would go forth to the country that the Government were unable to deny those statements, or to diminish the force of the arguments which accompanied

em.

When Lord Granville was dwelling on the darkness in which the I Ministers have invested their intended course after the elections, he drew I a sudden statement from Lord Derby.]

Earl GEANVILLE—" The noble Earl at the head of the -Government made a speech this very year, in the course of which he stated that the pre- sent system was mischievous, and that he was still of opinion that a recur- rence to a duty on corn for the purposes of revenue and protection was ne- cessary. If I mistake not, that was what the noble Earl said." The Earl of DERBY—" I beg the noble Earl's pardon. The noble Earl's wrong in quoting me as saying that a duty on corn, in my opinion, is a mat- ter oi necesaity. What I stated was, and distinctly as my own opinion, that for the purpose at once of relieving the suffering agricultural classes, and also for improving the revenue, whereby we should be enabled to take off other taxes, then, without injury to the consumer, an import-duty on corn would be desirable. I also stated, that whether relief was to be afforded to the ffliffering.agricultural classes by the imposition eta duty on foreign corn, was a matter which was to rest on the opinion of the constituencies. In no case did I say that it was a matter of necessity, but that, in my opinion, it was a desirable mode ot offering relief to the agricultural classes. I hold that opinion still ; but I state again, that is a question to be left to the con- stituencies of the eountry ; and, moreover, I may add, if it will give any satisfaction to the noble Ear i l, my opinion s, from what I have since heard and learned, that there certainly will not be in favour of the imposition of a duty on foreign corn that extensive majority in the country, without which, I stated to your Lordships' House,, it would not be desirable to impose such duty." (Loud cries of " Hear! ' from the.Opposition benches.) After this important statement, tarl GRANVILLE testified how glad he was of his mistake, which had drawn forth so decided a statement ; and added, that after that declaration—so suddenly and unexpectedly made— be thought he should be wasting their .Lordships' time if he detained them a minute longer.

.

There wss then a conversation on points of form. The Marquis of CLarrniesanz asked why, on so important a bill, the usual practice of summoning the Peers had been omitted ? The Earl of Dense said, it bad been his impression that the second reading would be-taken pm forma that night, and the discussion reserved for 'Committee : he had no idea of a lengthened debate, but if he had thought of it the Poem should have been summoned ; he had not asked the attendance of the supporters of Government. The Duke of NEWCASTLE observed that no public notice had been given of taking the bill pro formed: if such had been given, he for himself would have agreed to it willingly. If it were important to pass the bill ,before the Whitsuntide holydays, the Government officials in the other House were alone to blame for not informing the hoed of the Administration of that necessity. Lord DERBY absolved the Duke of Newcastle from all imputation of having taken him by surprise ; and he stated, that though it would be a matter of convenience to pass the bill before the holydays, yet it was not a mutter of absolute necessity. The Marquis of OLANRICARDE, turning from the point of form which he had mooted, to the main question, said it would be almost ungenerous to go into that question after Lord Derby's very agreeable statement ; so he contented himself with beseeching Lord Derby only to go one step fur- ther, and say that he did not intend to reimpose any burdens on the people for the advantage of any class whatever : he must come to that declaration next year, but it,would be much more gracefully and advan- tageously done now."

No other Peer rising for several seconds, the Earl of DERBY rose slowly, as if he were going to reply on the whole question; but his first words were—" As no other Lord has risen "—and as soon as those words were heard, Earl Grey started up and Lord Derby resumed his seat.

Earl GREY expressed.his surprise,at the whole course the Government seemed inclined to take on this bill. He characterized as disrespectful to the House, the attempt made by Lord Derby to .arrange with a single Peer for a postponement of the debate ; and he objected to taking the stage before them pro forma. Dealing out some taunts at the long and silent submission of the Government to the statements that night made with so much ability by the Duke of Newcastle and other Peers, and making a reference to the piece of information at last extracted on one point by Earl Granville's vigorous application of the screw, he proceeded to try for further information an another point.

We now know that no duty is to be put on corn, and that the Navigation- laws are abandoned; but we have learned from a statement made in the other House, that it is still intended, in another year, to propose an alteration of the present settlement of the Sugar-duties. On this subject Lord Grey had a great deal to allege in vindication of his own policy and prescience. One of his main points was the great increase in the consumption of sugar. In 1816, our consumption was 6,714,000 ewt. ; in 1852 it was 7,500,000 cwt. In the last completed year before the admission of foreign sugar, up to July 1844, the consumption was 4,146,000 cwt.; in the half-year ending January last it was 4,033,900 cwt. So that we are now consuming in half a year, nearly the quantity we consumed in-a whole year before the.adinission of fo- reign sugar. In the same time the revenue has risen from 3,500,000/. to 4,130,000/. It was said that this would ruin our Colonies, and only benefit the slave-traders and the slave-sugar countries. But the slave-trade is in the way of being nearly extinguished; the Cuban plantershave contracted for the importation of 80,000 labourers from China, and the same source of labour is open to our Colonies. And the produce of our Colonies is still in- creasing.The quantity of sugar produced in the West Indies in the first

i

three years was, n round numbers, 2,390,000 cwt. ; in the last three years of complete monopoly, namely, from 1842 to 1844, it was 2,487000 cwt. ; in the three years from 1M, to 1847, it was 2,733„000 cwt. ; and in the last three years, 1849, 1850, and 1851.mclusive, our importation from the West Indies increased to 2,833,000 cwt., being the largest importation in any tri- ennial period since Emancipation." Admitting the existence of great dis- tress in Jamaica, he attributed that distress to the fact that the planters there have listened too much to their worst enemies, and refused to adopt the remedial measures to which Earl Grey, in conjunction with proprietors in this country, has called their attention. The result is, that while cultivation in the Mauritius is advancing with gigantic strides, the prospects of the planters in Jamaica are not very encouraging. Recalling the adverse circumstances under which .Free-trade has worked its successes in this country—against the Irish famine of 1846, the European dearth of 1847, the commercial panic and reverses of 1896, aggravated by the political wreck of kingdoms in subsequent years—he thought it natural that the country should desire to know whether the Government intend to tam_per with that policy : notwithstanding the important declaration made by Lord Derby tonight, yet the 'House were not less in doubt than hereto- fore as to the real intention of her Majesty's Government on this question. "Although it was true that the noble Earl must incur the reproach either of having grossly deceived himself or others—that he had either by a reckless pursuit of personal and party objects sacrificed the interests of the Country, or that belied shown a blindness or want of judgment as to the true interests of the country, which was calculated to inspire little confidence in his judgment now that the helm was placed in his hands—although the noble Earl could not escape the alternative of having evinced either a want of judgment or a want of candour—yet that was the due and fitting penalty of the course he had taken during the last six years, and the penalty from which he could not escape ; and the longer the noble Earl attempted to es- cape and evade that retributive penalty, the heavier the penalty which he would ultimately have to pay."

The Earl of DERBY begged to say that he thought his friends would not be forced to accept either of Lord Grey's alternatives. The noble Earl had asked the question so repeatedly put, did the Govern- ment intend to pursue, or to abandon, the commercial policy of Sir Robert Peel ? and he illustrated that policy by a reference to the Sugar-duties. But the abolition of the differential duties on slave-grown sugar was no part of that policy : Sir Robert Peel did not consent to that measure because he

thought it wise or just, but because he had to choow between what he con- sidered an unjust and impolitic proceeding, and the expulsion of the late Government. It was wrong also to assume that the sieve-trade is being eX- tinguished under the Free-trade system : it is true that Brasil has almost put down, by a strong hand, the trade to her shores ; but the trade to Cuba as at this moment not.duninishing but on the increase. Furthermore, while our NS est Indies are sinking into deep depression, steam maehinery, which has ceased to be employed in Jamaica in the manufacture of ,free-labour sugar, is exported thence to make slave-labour sugar in Cuba. Lord Derby denied that the Government has made any declaration in regard to the.00n- tinuance of the existing scale of sugar-duties, which could be fairly made the subject of discussion on a motion like the present ; and from that he went into statements on the general questions mooted by the preceding speakers. Admitting himself an adherent to that portion of the police of Sir Robert Peel which distinguished his administration from 1842 to 1646, under which differential duties on imports were removed so as to,plaoe the foreign and home producer on a footing of real equality, he still contended against the injurious policy pursued in later years, which has overwhelmed home interests, to confer some limited benefits not adequate to the evil done. He would not deny that a great boon had been conferred upon•the com- munity at large by the reduced price and increased consumption of sugar. But the question was—and it ought never to be lost sight of—that it was not singly and simply whether a great advantage had been conferred upon the consumers of sugar in this country, but whether that advantage was not bought by measures of spoliation and injustice to others, involving in ruin large classes of our fellow subjects, who, on the faith of acts of Parliament, had embarked their all in this description of property. It was a gross ex- aggeration to say, as has been said, that there has been an increased-con- sumption of ten million quarters of corn—he believed that calculation to be nearly fourfold the true amount; but, admitting some increase—admitting that the labouring classes are in the enjoyment of considerable prosperity, and that their wages have not diminished lately--still that loss mav-ulti- mately recoil on the labourer. And even if it were admitted broadly that the whole community has gained by the cheapness of some of the principal articles of consumption, still that might be a good greatly mitigated by a severe and oppressively unjust injury to some classes, which are therefore entitled to relief. He had no desire to reverse the policy of Sir Robert Peelle evinced in 1846 by the reduction of the duties on foreign corn: he still concurred with the Chancellor of the Exchequer in wishing for a moderate duty ; but that was for the country to decide. Ho was glad to have afforded so much satisfaction by what was called his "important declaration," that in his be- lief the result of the elections would not be favourable to the imposition of a moderate duty ; but to say he had abandoned the wish or intention to pass such a measure, was to go too far. He had already said he would not pro- pose such a measure without a considerable majority, and he had intimated his opinion that he was not likely to have such a majority, but if the sense of the country should be different from what he expected, he still held that a moderate duty on corn would be the best mode of relief to the suffering classes. He believed that on the part of the English people there is that sense of justice, that they would consent to be deprived of a portion of the advantages they have enjoyed in order to reduce a portion of the burdens of those who are suffering unduly. What was his intention, and the deter- mination of the Government, wareto direct their attention to the bast mode they could devise for the benefit of the whole of the different interests of the country. The extent of the relief which they might be able to give to indi- vidual interests might not be what they could desire, but to afforilethat relief he declared now the intention of the Government would be directed, and that they held it to be their paramount duty in some shape or other to afford relief to those classes which had been suffering for the good of the rest.

The Duke of :Anoxia, entreated Lord Derby, if he is convinced that he must abandon his intention of imposing a duty, at once to avow the con- viction openly.

Ile certainly felt great. delight at the announcement which had been made by the noble Earl at the head of the Government ; but he had strong doubts as to-the policy of the form in which it had been made, and whether it might not lead the public to form an injurious opinion of the duties and responsi- bilities of public men. When a statesman sacrificed everything, as the late Sir Robert Peel had done, which was outwardly valuable to a public man, but preserved his own conscientious conviction that he was acting for the best interests of the country in the conduct of the affairs intrusted to him, the Duke of Argyll was firmly convinced that no loss of public estimation attached to such a man. Those were the circumstances in which at all times the changes of Sir Robert Peel had taken place. It was when the changes of public men were coincident with party interests that their conduct might be called in question ; but he always had maintained, and the verdict of the country was now confirming his views by the public tributes which are daily paid to the memory of Sir Robert Peel, that no imputation could rest upon his high character for the course which he had pursued, and that, so far from having derogated from, he had greatly enhanced the lustre which belongs to the name of English statesmen.

The debate now ended, and the bill was read a eecond time.

TIIE REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM.

The Earl of IIARROWEY presented a petition to the House of Lords, by certain members of the learned professions and others, praying that in any change of the constitution of the House of Commons, provision may be made for the distinct and separate representation of the educated into ligence of the country.

In supporting the petition, Lord Harrowby urged that not mere numbers, but sound opinion, ought to be represented in the House of Commons; and he added his opinion that some measure ought also to be adopted for direr, representation of the Colonies.

The Earl of DERBY seized the occasion to deliver a thesis on the sub- ject; opening with an acknowledgment of the good service done by Lord Harrowby in introducing it to the attention of-Parliament.

"There could be no doubt, that in consequence of the changes effected by the Reform Bill, and the abolition of rotten boroughs, there had arisen in- creased difficulties in the way of men of science and learning in various pro- fessions, who were not well known to the general public, and not pthisPdfled of that fluent oratory requisite for conciliating popular suffrages, making their way into Parliament. Under the former system, there was one way in which sCience and the Colonial interests were indirectly represented in the House of Commons; and there were means by which young men disposed to

avail themselves of seats in Parliament, not for amusement, but for the ser-

vice of their country, might make for themselves, as laymen, characters in that service. To a great extent those facilities were removed under the existing system. Moderate men—men of good sense and judgment— who were not or extreme opinions, might in these days find it much more difficult than it ought to be to get into Parliament." From these general indications of his sense of the imperfections to be remedied, he passed on to an examination of the various sorts of remedy which have been suggested ; very mush to the same effect, and sometimes in the same words, as Mr. Dis- raeli's speech on the assignment of the forfeited seats of Sudbury and St. .Albans. His cardinal sentiment seemed to be, that "It would be exceedingly unwise to look to the single question of numbers, without taking into coil-

sidemtion the question of property, and, as far as it could be made z. matter of legislation, the question of intelligence." If there were other bodies besides the Universities of Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin, "which were sufficiently numerous—because he could not overlook that point in dealing with a popular representation—and also sufficiently distinguished in point of science, to be placed on the same footing with those Universities, he thought such bodies would have a fair claim to be considered." Upon the Colonial branch of the subject he said—" The question of Colonial representation is one of great importance and difficulty. If it could be achieved, it would be a great additional tie between the Colonies and the Mother-country ; and, not an inferior advantage in his mind, perhaps some degree of control might be exercised over amateur Colonial legislators, who are not al- ways the most discreet if they are the most zealous advocates of the colo- nies to which they attach themselves. But it is a question of extreme diffi- culty as to the number to be admitted, and the mode in which they should be returned by the different colonies, and the means by which, if returned, they would represent collectively or separately the interests of the Colonies."

Mavrrocrru.

The adjourned debate on Mr. Spooner's motion for a Committee of In- quiry, appointed to be resumed at a special morning sitting on Tuesday, was opened by Mr, Sergeant Munrnv. Mr. Murphy was not in the slightest degree opposed to inquiry ; believing it could only redound to the credit of the College, and show that the educa- tion at Maynooth is calculated in every respect to uphold the truest alle- giance to the Crown, and to promote the practice of the highest virtues and the purest morality : but he believed the motion to be no true motion ; that Mr. Spooner wanted no inquiry, and knew that full information was already before the House; and that his object was openly avowed by his seconder, the Marquis of Blandford—the simple and entire abrogation of the grant. ("Hear, hear!" front Mr. Spooner.) But even if more information were required, this was not the mode to seek it; the proper mode was that sug- gested by Lord John Russell—a special inquiry instituted by the Lord-Lieu- tenant, under the 15th, 16th, and 18th sections of the Maynooth Act. Having maintained these particular propositions, he went into the general question at considerable length ; amphfying the argument that Maynooth was founded to teach the Roman Catholic religion and discipline with the full knowledge of what that religion and discipline was ; contending that the leading professors of Maynooth have always been eminently conservative and loyal ; and that from the very origin of the College the system of teaching has been Cisalpine, and in no degree Ultramontane. He specifically denied, on the highest authority, the report, founded only on the rantings and ravings of the Standard and the Warder, that Maynooth supplies foreign priests : he asserted, on the contrary, that it has never been able to furnish an ade- quate supply of priests, so that many districts are in want of missionaries. The reference to missionaries served him to introduce an extract from a letter lately written by an English Protestant to his friend the Member for Mid- dlesex, describing and condemning most severely the corrupt practices re- sorted to in the diocese of Tuam to swell the missionary conversions to Pro- testantism, about which there has been great talk.

" To spread the benefits of the ' Reformation,' as it is called, the present Bishop of Toon) has for some time past carried on a war of proselytism against the people, or at least affords it his sanction and support ; and as the regularly ordained and edu- cated ministers of the Established Church could not endure the privations and dis- comforts inseparable from a residence among the poor people and in the remote portions of the district, a band of missionaries, without knowledge or refinement of mind, and who are utterly unscrupulous as to the means used to make converts have been ordained for the purpose of carrying on this unholy warfare ; and, takingadvantage of the state of utter destitution to which the unhappy people are reduced, they offer them bribes in the shape of clothes and food to induce them to forsake their religion and to send their children to the Scriptural schools. In this manner, the children of the poor are taken from the wretched abodes of their starving parents ; who, being unable to afford them the necessary means of support, are literally forced to submit to an un- willing and necessarily hypocritical assent to the doctrines inculcated at those schools ; and I venture fearlessly to assert, that there is scarcely one among those so-called ' converts 'who does not bitterly lament the dreadful necessity which com- pels him to submit even for a time to the social degradation and misery consequent on his pretending to become a 'convert.'" Mr. Murphy relieved a long speech by a characteristic effusion of jocular personalities against the Ministers for the fast and loose game they are play- ing on this question, as on that of Protection. In his conclusion, however, he returned to a tone of practical warning appropriate to the discussion of the great "Irish difficulty."- He could say for himself, that his conduct in that House in all matters conneeted with the Government had always been cha- racterized by moderation of opinion—that indeed he was one who had gained obloquy for the moderation of his opinions ; but he must take the liberty of declaring, as one who had no electioneering object in view—who felt as se- cure of being again returned, if he chose, as any one could be on such a mat- ter—that he had for years watched both sides of the House, and his opinion was that there was a rabid Protestant feeling in existence, which would al- low no Government, however well-disposed, to do justice to Ireland. He must therefore declare that, from this time, the Irish Roman Catholic Members had, in his opinion, only one resource, and that was to be self-dependent- to keep together as one party, to stand aloof from conflict, and to hang on the flanks of the opposing factions, waiting the fitting time when in one compact array they could throw in their united force in favour of freedom and tole- ration in religion. (Cheers.)

Mr. NAPIER went into an historical statement to show that the original act establishing Maynooth, established it not as a religious but as an edu- cational institution : yet he agreed with Mr. Murphy that it was absurd to suppose that the Roman Catholic religion would not be taught there. He contended that the inquiry of 1824-7 was incomplete and inconclusive; for it was not specifically upon Maynooth only; and the members of the Board differed so widely on the conclusions to be drawn from the evidence, that they expressly abstained from any attempt at analysis or comment, and left the matter in dubio. Traversing other portions of the field of ar- gument already gone over by preceding speakers, he concluded that it was the duty of the House to see that the Maynooth grant was rightly and honourably applied to the purposes for which it was designed.

Mr. C. Fourzscus protested at some length against the animus and tendency of the policy pursued towards the Roman Catholics of Ireland ; and avowed his belief that there must eventually be a compromise be- tween the rival Churches in Ireland, based on the principle of entire ec- clesiastical equality.

Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND commenced by reminding some persona of two things,—that Ireland is a Roman Catholic country ; and that the Church of Ireland, the Anglican Episcopal Church, was planted there by, the bayonet, without ever converting the peorle.

Thence he went into an argument against the motion, founded on its over- sight of the distinction between doctrine as theologia dogmatica and doe- a which is theologia months : of course Mr. Spooner did not mean to in- e former, though the terms of his motion would include it. He the notion, entertained by Lord Shaftesbury and others, of the sacramental system of the Church of England; which church a mere lecture-room. He spoke of the Jesuits, and on by Faber, which contains the whole of the reprobated ea, but has yet been approved of by the Pope and Cardinal

Wiseman. Finally, he expressed his confidence that the common sense, honesty, and courage of Englishmen, will set these Italian doctrines at de- fiance.

The debate on the Maynooth question practically closed with this speech. Mr FRESHFIELD moved the adjournment of the debate ; and after some cross-motions, and speeches on personal and formal points, the motion for adjournment simply was agreed to. A direct appeal was made to the Government for another day to discuss the question ; but Mr. Dissent answered that it was on his suggestion that the morning sitting of that day had been devoted to the question, and that it was impossible the Govern- ment should give up a day to any debate not connected with the pressing necessities of the public business. Mr. SPoomaa then moved that the time for resuming the debate should be that same evening, after the orders of the day had been disposed of. A considerable time was spent in dim. cussion of this proposition, and of others which were momentarily pro. posed as amendments on it, but withdrawn. At last Mr. Spooner's pro. posal for resuming the debate that evening VISS carried, by 278 to 58, Lord PALMERSTON then moved the formal motion, now a matter of cis. tom on the eve of the Derby Day, that the House at its rising do adjourn over to Thursday. Mr. ANS= moved that the debate on this new mo- tion be adjourned till after the orders of the day. [This would have given precedence to the adjourned debate on the Maynooth question.] The House divided ; and first negatived Mr. Anstey's motion, by 212 to 43 • then adopted Lord Palmerston's motion for adjournment at rising till Thursday.

Then Mr. Frrznov moved, in consideration of the long time the Speaker had been in the chair, [about six hours,] that the House do now adjourn till Thursday. The SPEAKER acknowledged the kind consideration of the mover' but hoped the House would not consider his convenience as opposed to the despatch of public business. The motion was negatived, by 128 to 89. It being now six o'clock, the Speaker left the chair till eight o'clock,

At eight o'clock, only thirty-eight Members were present, and the House was "counted out."

The subject came on again on Thursday, as a "dropped order." The "no House" was made the vehicle of divers charges against the authors of the motion, and the Ministers, as their patrons, of insincerity, and a desire to cushion the question upon its having served the purposes of party by barren discussion. At last the debate was once more adjourned.

CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS.

On the motion that the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill be read a third time, Colonel Snrrnone moved an amendment that it be postponed to that day six months. The amendment was supported by Mr. HUDSON and Alderman SIDNEY, and negatived by 281 to 6. The bill was read a third time. Mr. Themes DUNCOKBE asked why the bill should not be extended to counties as well as boroughs ? Shortly arguing in favour of extending it to counties, he moved the insertion of words which would effect that object. Colonel SDYTHORP and Captain HARRIS opposed tho extension ; Mr. PHILIP HOWARD and Mr SRA varaw CRAWFORD said they would vote for it. Lord jomi RUSSELL said, he had not originally ex- tended the bill to counties, because he had not remembered any case of complaint that in any county or division of a county bribery had gene- rally prevailed. He saw no objection in principle to the extension ; but the proposal to make it should have been brought forward earlier, and with notice, as it was matter very fit for discussion. The CRANCRLLOR of the Esc-swiss also was not opposed to the principle, and thought that a limitation to a particular class was odious ; but he really believed the county constituencies are pure in this respect Lord Roma GROSVE- NOR reminded Lord John Russell of the case of West Gloucestershire, where he presided over a Committee of Privileges appointed to examine a charge of the most extensive bribery ever practised, and where some technical difficulties only prevented examination whether a Peer had not committed a breach of the privileges of the House of Commons. Mr. WAKLEY and Mr. W. WILLIAMS supported Mr. Duncombe. Alderman SIDNEY said, that if the extension to counties were carried, he would move that it be applied also to the Universities, where the poorer clergy always have their travelling and hotel expenses paid. On a division, Mr. Duncombe's additional words extending the bill to counties were carried by 109 to 71. Alderman SIDNEY then moved the extension of the bill to the lJniversi- ties ; and the motion was agreed to without division. After a speech from Mr. STANFORD—in which he took leave of the House, because his borough of Reading will not return him again, from the corruptness of the electors, even the well-to-do townsmen—the bill passed.

TEE Law OP WILIA.

Some contest of argument on Lord Chancellor St. Leonards's Law of Wills Amendment Bill was raised in Committee of the House of Com- mons, by the legal Members. Mr. BETRBLL argued, that the long clause by which the bill proposed to amend the law, would only make it more difficult to interpret ; and he moved an amendment to simplify the enact- ment. The MASTER of the ROLLS, in turn, argued against Mr. Bethelrs amendment, as equally likely with the bill itself to make new difficulties. He moved that the Chairman report progress, with a view to referring the bill to a Select Committee, in order that it might be turned from a crude and imperfect measure, into one the provisions of which should be as sim- ple and easily understood as the law regulating the attestation of common deeds. Sir PAGE WOOD supported the Master of the Rolls ; calling the bill "a farrago of words, which instead of making the matter clearer to ordinary understandings, would involve it in additional mystification." The Somerrolt-Gratzata., Mr. STUART, and Mr. WHITESIDE, defended the bill, with manifestation of some horror at Sir Page Wood's levity of epi- thet about the legislative labour of "the greatest of living lawyers." The motion to report progress was negatived by 121 to 64; Mr. Bethell's amendment was withdrawn ; the clauses were agreed to ; and the bill was reported.

TEE LAW OF PATFMTS.

On the motion that the Patent Law Amendment Bill be read a second time, petitions were presented by Mr. WATILEY and Mr. Alderman SID- NEY that it be referred to a Select Committee ; and a more direct opposi- tion to it was urged by Mr. JOHN STUART and Mr. ROUNDELL PeLmEn. Mr. Palmer made a speech of considerable length against all the portions of the bill which did more than merely reduce fees and improve the legal proceedings on patents, as displaying a tendency to undermine and sub- vert the whole principle of the patent law and he fortified this line of argument by reminding the House that the measure was prepared by member of the late Government, (Lord Granville,) who candidly admitted himself to be unfriendly to the whole principle of a patent-law. Mr. Hyman' and Mr. WALPOLE defended the measure ; admitting objections to some details, which can be amended ; but asserting the broad and good object of the bill to be the reduction of the cost of a patent from 2601. to

The bill was read a second time, and referred to a Select Committee.

DURATION OP TUB POOR-LAW BOARD.

On the order of the day for going into Committee on the Poor-law Board Continuance Bill, Lord DUDLEY STUART moved an instruction that the Committee have power to alter the bill, with the view of excluding from its operation all the unions now under local acts. In a speech urging the objections of former controversies against extending the cen- tralizing power of the Poor-law Board over the unions under local acts, he called especially on Mr. Henley, Sir John Trollop°, and Lord John Man- nets, for their votes, upon the principles which they have urged against the Poor-law Board centralization on former occasions. This appeal was rejected. All those Members supported the bill ; and Mr. BAINES brought his assistance to the Government side. Lord Dudley Stuart was defeated, by 112 to 33. In Committee, an amendment to substitute a duration for the bill of one year, instead of a duration of two years, was negatived on division, by 72 to 26. The bill was reported.

IRISH LOCAL ASSESSMENT13.

In moving the second reading of the Valuation Ireland Bill, Lord NAAS explained that its great object is to make one uniform valuation for all local taxation in Ireland.

The assessment would be regulated upon a uniform and comparatively correct system. The old tenement system would be adopted, and the valua- tion would be based on a scale of agricultural prices taken from the returns of the forty principal market-towns in Ireland. The valuation would be com- pleted in four or five years, and cost about lid per acre, instead of 4d. or d. per sere as at present.

The bill was opposed by Mr. CLEMENTS, as too complicated to be dealt with at this period of the session, when so many Irish Members had gone home. He moved that it be read a second time that day three months. Sir RonanT FERGUSON, Sir DENHAM NORREYS, and Colonel RAWDON, op- posed the bill. Mr. H. HERBERT, Mr. Vass; and Mr. SR Amkfur

roan, approved of its principle, and wished it to be referred to a Select Committee. Sir Jon& Yoram hoped it would not be referred to a Select Committee. The amendment was negatived by 89 to 6; and the bill was read a second time.

ENFE.ANCHISEMENT OF COPYROLDS.

The second reading of the Enfranchisement of Copyholds Bill was

moved by Lord Caanwourn, in a speech giving an explanation of the evils which have to be remedied, and of the numerous and progressive at- tempts that have been made and steps taken to furnish the remedy ; and recommending this bill, "to enable tenants to compel landlords to fran- chise and lords to compel tenants," as proceeding in a manner which would not operate with hardship upon either lord or tenant. The Lord CHANCELLOR went over the subject at considerable length. He agreed that it would be desirable to assist enfranchisement with all due speed, and get rid of heriets and arbitrary fines ; but he denied, generally speaking, that copyhold is a complicated tenure ; indeed, he asserted that as regards smaller tenements it is less open to objection than freehold, in- asmuch as it has the benefit of a general register, which is local, acces- sible, and simple, because impossible to be overloaded with a great deal of matter. He would not oppose the bill; but, having read it, he could not say that, as now framed, it could safely pass : he therefore proposed that it should be referred to a Select Committee, to be considered clause by clause with great deliberation. Lord CAMPBELL, having hoped that this bill would become law in the present session, was grieved and sur- prised to hear a speech from the Woolsack which would be fatal to it. The Duke of CLEVELAND spoke for the bill; and Lord BEAUMONT strongly hoped Government would only nominate such a Committee as would ena- ble the bill to be passed this session.

The bill was read a second time.

The Lord CHANCELLOR moved that it be referred to a Select Committee ; and assured the House that the Government would go into Committee with a determination to give their honest assistance in carrying it into effect. Lord CAMPBELL still feared, from the state of the session, and other considerations, that going into Committee would be a delusion, and that the bill had now got its quietus. Referred to a Select Committee.

Mu.rriA Btu.

On the order of the day for considering the Militia Bill as amended, in

Committee, Colonel SIBTRORP moved, that in clauses 3d and 4th the word "captain" should be substituted for "major " ; making the requirements of the old law with regard to the qualifications of officers extend down to captains. Mr. WALPOLE consented. The House resumed ; the report as amended was agreed to ; and the third reading was fixed for Monday the 7th June.

PARK FOR FINSBURY.

In answer to Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE, the Onsivoinzon of the Rican- QUER stated that he had received an amended estimate of the cost of forming a park in Finsbury, but on examining it he did not feel justified in bring- ing in a bill this session for the formation of the park. The subject would remain under consideration, and if the power to effect the object should be gained it would readily be exercised.