tht 311rtrultulio.

Lord John Russell has issued a manifesto to the country, in the form of an address to his constituents, the electors of the City of London.

"Gentlemen—More than ten years have elapsed since I was requested by a dermtas tion of electors to relinquish the seat which I then occupied and become a candidate for the city of London. I was at that time in the enjoyment of the confidence of the electors of Stroud, and I had no reason to fear that I should lose that confidence at the -ensuing election. But !wee urged to quit that honourable position on the ground that the battle of Free-trade was to be fought, and-that the best field for such a battle was the metropolitan city of the United Kingdom. I accepted your invitation, and after a close contest was elected by a narrow majority. " The proposals which the Administration of Lord Melbourne had laid before Par- liament bore the character of a marked but gradual advance to the policy of Free- trade. The heavy tax on the importation of corn was to be exchanged for a fixed duty. The differential duties on the imports of foreign sugar and foreign timber were to be greatly reduced. These propmals were virtually rejected, and tlie Ministry of Lord elelbourne was at an end. " The policy of Sir Robert Peel from 1842 to 1845 was based on the most enlarged principles of commercial freedom. The articles of corn and sugar were indeed little affected by that policy ; but at the end of 1845 Sir Robert Peel proposed to his col- leagues the tOMI though gradual repeal of the duties on corn. Be received the sup- port of the whole Liberal party in carrying a bill for this purpose through both Houses of Parliament. In June 1846, Sir Robert Peel, after acconiplishing this-great mea- sure, resigned office. In announcing his retirement, he expoessed a hope that his successors would continue his policy, namely, the promotion a a free intercourse with foreign nations.

" The late Ministry fulfilled this hope. In 1846 we introduced and carried a bill for the gradual repeal of the differential duties on sugar. The principle of that bill is still. in vigour, endue July 1854 the duties on foreign and colonial sugar will be equaL In 1849 we proposed and carried the repeal of the Navigation Laws; last year we equalised the duties on coffee, and reduced the differential duties on timber. " At the same time, we have not been unmindful of those great interests from which an unjust motection was withdrawn : for instance, in conformity with the sugges- tions contained in the report of a Committee of the House of Lords, we reduced by 500,000f: the stamp-duties which pressed heavily on the sale and transfer of land. With shelter views, we extended and enlarged the advances for drainage and agricultu- ral improvements which had been sanctioned under the Administration of Sir Robert Peel. The repeal of the Navigation-laws has been followed by a reduction of the burdens imposed by light-dues, which have been diminished in the case of the coasting trade to little more than one-fourth of their previous amount. Other important changes have been made, intended to raise the character and promote the interests of the merchant shipping of the country. The question of the Merchant Seamen's Fund, which had so long been a source of discontent among our sailors, has been brought to a satisfactory conclusion, with the aid of a liberal contribution from the public puree. The general commerce of the country has been assisted by the increased provision made for Colonial and Foreign packets. In respect to our Sugar Colonies, we favoured. immigration and public works by loans guaranteed by the home Government.

" It is not necessary for me to celebrate the success of measures intended to con- tinue and complete the policy of Free-trade. You will find the more recent facts, furnishing the most conclusive proofli of the wisdom of that policy, in the financial statement of the present Chancellor of the Exchequer. That speech deserves your attentive study.

"'The financial results of the policy of the last ten years may be thus summed up— I. Customs-duties have been repealed or reduced to the extent of 9,000,0001.

2. Excise-duties have been repealed or reduced to the extent of 1,600,600/. 3. Stamp-duties were reduced, in 1850, to the extent of 500,0001. 4. The Window-duties have been commuted for a House-tax, by which relief was given to the extent of 1,200,0001. 5. The produce of Customs, Excise. Stamps, and Taxes was in 1842, 46.000.0001..; in 1851, 46,600,0001. Thus, the relief to the country has been 12,200,0001:; the loss to the revenue only 1,400,0001.

" With these facts before us forour information and guidance. I can have no hesi- tation in accepting the challenge to decide finally, completely, and conclusively the contest between Protection and Free-trade.

" What the present Ministers may propose to the next Parliament I cannot divine. For myself, I shall be ready to contend—

I. That no duty should be imposed on the import of corn, either for protection or revenue.

it. That the commercial policy of the last ten years is not an evil to be mitigated, but a good to be extended ; not an unwise and disastrous policy, which ought to be reversed, altered, or modified, but a just and beneficial system, which should be supported, strengthened, and upheld.

"There are, however, restrictions on the pursuits of industry which still require our attention.

" The transfer of land is still clogged by legal difficulties, expenses, and delays, which unfairly diminish the value of that species of property, and to a great degree prevent its becoming an investment for the savings of the industrious classes.

0. The machinery. of the department of the Customs ought to be simplified to the utmost extent consistent with the safety of the revenue.

"It should be the object of the Legislature to remove, as far as possible, those remaining burdens or restrictions upon the shipping interest which still impede its prospenty. " Leaving questions of commercial policy, I must now advert to other subjects of importance which, during the career of the late Ministry, required from time to time our attention. In 1847, the perils and alarms of commerce induced us to assume the re- sponsibility of suspending the law regulating the issues of the Bank of England. In 1848, the revolutions on the Continent of Europe led to a threatened disturbance of the public peace in England, and wild projects of insurrection in Ireland. These dangers were met, and overcome. In 1846, 1847, and 1848, occurred the fearful destruction of the potato crop in Ireland by an unknown and mysterious disease. The ravages of a dreadful famine were mitigated by the expenditure of nearly 8,000,0001. of money, in wages to the unemployed and food for the starving. Such wen' the measurer of immediate relief. The acts of Parliament which have been passed for promoting the great trunk railways, for loans for arterial drainage and land improvement, for the sale of encumbered estates, for amending the provisions of the Poor-law, and lastly, for a large extension of the franchise, will, it is hoped, lay the groundwork for the permanent welfwe of Ireland.

" The last five years have seen the wise enjoyment and sound exercise of constitu- tional freedom in the great United Province of Canada. Instead of bickering!' be- tween the Upper and Lower Provinces, dissensions between the Legislative Councils and Representative Assemblies, and an executive vibrating between arbitrary power and helpless inaction, we have seen all the powers of the state working harmoniously together, and a marvellous increase in revenue and population reward their efforts. I trust that this example will not be lost, either upon other colonies in circumstances somewhat similar, or upon the Legislature at home.

"In the West Indian Colonies, the two great changes effected within twenty years, from slavery to freedom, and from monopoly to competition, have no doubt been severely felt; but, generally speaking, these colonies appear to be now seeking for a revival of prosperity where alone it can be found—in improved methods of cultivation and manufacture.

"Reviewing the policy of the last five years, it has been matter of satisfaction to us who have presided over that policy, to witness,:on leaving office, the people in the enjoyment of greater comfort and increased means, public credit fully sustained, taxes largely reduced with scarcely any loss of revenue, peace preserved, and the name of England respected throughout the world.

"The chief cause of these results must not, however, be sought in any existing men, or in any recent measures. They flow from the spirit of our people, from Magna Chart* and the Bill of Rights, from the freedom of public discussion, and the tem- perate use of power by the Crown, the Parliament, and the people. It was from a confidence in this wise and considerate use of popular strength that we thought it at once just and prudent to extend the right of voting for Members of Parliament. It appeared to us that the advance of the working classes in knowledge and intelli- gence ought to be accompanied by an increased share of political power. 1 am aware how difficult a task it is to adjust in any plan of representation the respect due to ancient prescription with the claims of advancing trade, increased population, and growing intelli,gence; but it appeared to us wiser to endeavour to make this adjust- ment when various propositions for the purpose could be calmly weighed and de- liberately settled, than to wait for the storm, when the conflict of the elements might overpower the voice of reason, and the rush of the encroaching tide obliterate the footmarks of experience. " There is a subject not strictly connected with the franchise, hot which has an important bearing on the safety of our institutions—I allude to education. Volun- tary effort has done much, but the means of instruction, even in reading and writing, are still unattainable by a great proportion of our working classes. I can only say, I shall pep unremitting attention to a question which so deeply affects the future condition of the people. "Upon another question, which last year so greatly absorbed the time and atten- tion of Parliament as to stop the progress of many useful measures, I have but a few words to say. lo arresting what we considered to be an invasion of the temporal rights odour Sovereign and of the nation, we were scrupulously careful to maintain inviolate the sacred principle of religious liberty. In the same spirit in which I proposed the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts, and constantly supported the concession of the Roman Catholic claims, I ahallcontinne to act. " One portion of our fellow subjects is still excluded from the privilege of sitting in Parliament. or holding office under the Crown. The ensuing elections must de- termine whetherthe Representatives of the People will be prepared by lame majorities to remove those useless and degrading disabilities. The oath taken by Membersof Parliament ought to be the same for all—simple and not complex—a-bond of union, and not a badge of distrust or a source of religious discord. "I have now laid my opinions before-you on many subjects of past and future ia- tweet. I have shown you,. thatwhile much has been done much remains for us to do. You will rejoice, as I do, to observe that contests for just and useful reforms, though baffled oft, are ever won. Measures of religious, civiLand commercial liberty i , have n our own time had their origin, their periods of discussion, perhaps of dis- couragement, have suffered their hour of crisis and- doubtful victory, have had their day of signal triumph; and finally have taken their place among our permanent insti- tutions. Thus it has been with the question of Roman Catholic disabilities ; thus it has been with-Parliamentary Reform ; thus it. is about tobe with Free-trade. In this last struggle I have- played a secondtu7 but not unimportant part. It will be no mean glory if, honoured with the- name of your Representative, I shall be enabled to promote that great cause which is about to-obtain from the electors, of the United Kingdom its final and irrevocable triumph.

"Let it, however, be recollected', that if the adverse party is to be encountered with success-, it must be met by the Free-trade Reformers in a body. Large and useful improvements in ourlaws and administration can only beetfected by the cordial union and untiring energy of all friends of enlightened progress, commercial freedom, met civil equality. 1 remain your faithful and obliged servant, " Pembroke Lodge, May 22. J. Rowan.'

A meeting of leading Liberals was held on. Monday afternoon, to con- sider the beat course with respect to the representation of the City of Lon- don ' • Mr. George Prescott in the chair. Mr. Rallies Currie moved the first resolution with his usual eloquence. It was to the effect, that at the nest election for the City of London the names of Lord John Russell, Baron Rothschild, and Sir James Duke should be put collectively, and that they should- be invited to stand for the representation of the City ; the meeting pledging itself to give them their support. Mr. Thomson Hankey seconded the resolution ; and Mr. W. Williams M.P. and Mr. John Dillon supported it.

Mr. W. D. Saul demurred to a joint proposal of all three names • and moved an amendment that the names should be put separately. M.;. Al- derman Wire supported the amendment— He understood- they had met there ha deliberate, not to have names threat down their throats. lie for one was of opinion that the amendment was a very proper one. There was a. division among the Liberals as to the name

of Lord John Russell. (Loud cries of " !") Well, then,. if there was no division, where was the difference ? They could vote for the three. Let the admirers of a name so distinguished have their free support—he sup- ported the amendment.

hifr. Goldsmid the Younger, and Sir E. N. Brixton M.P., supported the resolution. Mr. Wilson and Mr. C. Gilpin supported the amendment. At this point Mr. Travers thought it wise to move the adjournment of the question— The Liberal Association had been twitted with being the cause- of the meet- ing; which he denied. If the meeting came to the resolution proposed,he was eatisfied it would cause a split among the Liberal party of the Mr. W. Hawes supported the motion for adjournment—

Were they to reject other candidates by binding themselves to three can- didates? If they rejected one, was there no other ? He contended there were others, both able and willing. (Cries of" We don't avant them.") He among others had been. strongly biassed in favour of Lord John Russell; but let them look at the last remnant of his acts on the question of civil and re- ligious liberty. (Interruptions and cheers.) Ile had not taken that mea- sure up in the manner which he had promised. Mr. Hawes reflarred to the conduct of Lord John with respect to fiscal and Customs reform, the Income- tax, and his conduct with respect to Sir Charles Wood's Budget and Chan- cery Reform, by placing the seals in the hands of Lord Truro, who was known to have opposed it. (Mach confusion and clamour.) A great con- stituency like that of the City of London ought not to elect a man for what he has clone, but what by his acts- and. his promises he would do for the future.

Mr. Glyn, Baron Rothschild, and Sir Page Wood, defended Lord John Russell.

Mr. Travers withdrew his amendment for adjournment ; and the other amendments seem to have been negatived tacitly ; for the original resolu- tion was finally "carried without opposition."

The Fishmongers Company entertained a large party, consisting chiefly of the honorary members of the guild, on Wednesday evening ; when the Earl of Clarendon made his &bat as a "Brother Fishmonger." Mr. Weston, the Prime Warden, presided ; and near to him were seated the Marquis of Clamicarde' Earl Grey, the Earl of Clarendon, Viscount Palmerston, Sir Charles Wood, Lord Robert Grosvenor, and the American and Persian Ambassadors. In proposing the health of Lord Clarendon, the Prime Warden of course lauded his Irish administration. The com- pliment was acknowledged as of particular weight, coming from the head of a company who are great Irish proprietors ; and it was reciprocated by' the statement that during the great famine of 1.849 not one person died of starvation upon the property of the Company. Lord Clarendon followed the example of Sir Robert Pee/ in recommending Irish investments to English capitalists- " Gentlemen, permit me to take this opportunity, now that I am address- ing men of business, men daily occupied in the accumulation and distribu- tion of wealth, to express my surprise that English capital does not flow somewhat more freely into Ireland. At this moment, when Free-trade is falsifying almost all the predictions of its opponents, and when we find that that nondescript thing which, in Protectionist parlance, is usually called 'the selfish and untaxed foreigner,' is content to t oke something else from us than our specie in return for the large quantity of food which our people have al- ways been able to consume, but never till now were permitted to buy—when we find that we are suffering rather from a repletion of our bullion, I must say it is a wonder to me that a portion of our superfluity does not seek that return which it would find in Ireland. You have some of the best land of the country in the market ; the most minute information can be obtained respecting it ; it is to be had at a price which could not be displeasing to the purchaser, however it might to the owner or encumbrancer; you acquire a title with a cheapness and facility that to us, accustomed to our old English mode of proceeding, seems absolutely fabulous. There are—I speak with some knowledge upon the subject—there are as good diggings' to be had in Ireland as there are abroad, and with far greater security blue and pro- perty, notwithstanding all that you may hear. We are now in the fourth circuit of Judges congratulating Grand Juries upon improvements in moral habits and immunity from crime; and I can assure you, from my own know- ledge, that English immigrants are always welcome in. Ireland and always prosperous."

The ratepayers of the parish of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields assembled in Vestry meeting on Thursday, under the act of the 4th and fith

1y, and resolved to raise 1000/. by rate, to defray the expenses of sending out to Arstrolia poor persons having settlement in the parish and willing to. emigrate under such rules as the Poor-law Board may sanc- tion.

The appeal in the Wagner ease, from the judgment of Tice-Chancellor Parker to that of the Lord Chancellor St. Leonard; was argued on Satur- day, again on Wednesday, and was decided on Wednesday. When the case was opened by Mr. Bethell on Saturday, the Lord Chancellor soon discovered that it was not a, question of jurisdiction only which was to be submitted to him, as had been represented when he consenteil to, bear it personally and out of its turn; and he expressed annoyance that he had consented to that came, instead. of leaving it to be heard by the other Lords Justioes of Ap- peal. " The pressure of business on me in the House of Lords is so great," he said," that it was only on that understanding I took it: I shall be more cautions in.future. But as the case has been taken,.Imust hear it. Go on." The case retied on by Mr. Bethel was not, in any respect intelligible or interesting to the general reader, different from that made before Vice-Chan- cellor Parker; and as one point after another was reproduced, the Lord Chancellor- criticized it with a strength of argumentative objection and a display of convietion that left little doubt which way his decision- would go. That decision was a vigorous upholding of the Vice-Chancellor's judg- ment, that the injunction to restrain Mademoiselle .1ohanna Wagner from singing anywhere ik this, country but at Mr. Lumley's theatre, must be maintained.

The passages of general interest were the following.

"Ile could not at all agree with the inference that Dr. Becher had in any way de- ceived the Wagners, or abused the confidence reposed in him by them. As for the imputation of wilful misrepresentation, he never saw a case which was more free. from such a charge; and although, in all probability, Dr. Becher was remunerated. for his trouble,—for no one could expect that he would travel over the Continent for the mere purpose gratuitously-of engaging siugers,—it did not in any way tend to throw a slur over his actions in the present case." "rise principle of this Court WAS to bind, as far as its power would extend. the couscienees of men, and to compel the execution of contracts in their true spirit. even if it sometimes went upon the mere letter of them. It was to this principle of the Courts of Equity that the right and fair dealing of Englishmen was a great deal to be attributed ; which principle would not allow a person to depart at pleasure from his contract upon_ the mere chance of damages being given against him in a court. of law. This Court had always enforced performance of agreements both to the spirit and the letter, and had thereby established good faith between man and man to a greater extent than perhaps existed in any other country. The Court could not compel Mademoiselle Wagner to sing, but it could prevent her singing in any other place than Her Majesty's Theatre. "Mademoiselle Wagner could have nothing to complain of in an injunction, for it did not restrain her bringing any action against Lumley; but she must bear in mind, that any infringement a the injunction would render her liable to be committed to prison. Such a step would, be most painful to the Court, but it was one that it would not hesitate for a moment in taking were its order disobeyed. Mademoiselle Wag- ner was mistaken if she thought she could escape from her contract; for the Court declared that she was not released from any of the obligations of it, and that the no- tarial protest was of no effect whatever. She had no reason to complain of the man- ner in which she had been treated. As her objections on the point of law had failed, he must dismiss the appeal with costs."

A Commission af Lunacy, held at Kensington, has pronounced the Honour- able Mary Hughes and the Honourable Emily Hughes, daughters of the late Lord Dinorben, to be of unsound mind. The unfortunate ladies are utterly imbecile. It will be recollected that the present Lord Dinorben was recently pronounced insane—an afflicted family!

I kThere was a great struggle- on Monday for the " oharapionship of the Thames," with a most unlooked-for result. Robert Coombes hadlong been the "champion," and had, gained supremacy on the Tyne as well as on the Thames. Coombea is in his forty-third year ; his opponent, Thomas Cole, of Chelsea, is twenty-five years old. In some measure Coombea taught his antagonist to beat bins, for Cole has been under his training in former years for other contests. The present matchwas for 2001. and' the honorary title. The ditstance,was from. Putney Bridge to Mortlake; the start took place at five o'clock; the betting iksome cases was.2to 1 on.Coombes. The struggle was a most vigorous one: Cole soon got a few feet ahead, and he managed to keep.in advance, though eoombes's desperate eftbrts occasionally reduced his advantage: Cole won by-a half a-length. The distance, nearly four miles and a half, was dime in twenty-five minutes twelve seconds: The attendance ofspectators on, the river and on shore was very great.