glee of the country.—ficsolution. admitted, that the constant state of
interested warfare in which the
Brigs (Scotland)—" The meeting observe with great regret, that the Nvorkmau and his employer live, has a strong tendency to generate, not unusual number of twenty-one Bishops voted agaiast the Bill, %vitae only Samuel' a wholesome jealousy of power, without tvhich no political free- two voted in favour of it. That in a question relatims entirely to the dom is meintainable, as a dislike of authority, whether exerted for the elective franchise in the House of Commons, and as to which the People good of the many or the few. All manufacturing communities have a had so decidedly declared their opinion, the in'..eting are satisfied tit it nettled to Menet, to the Spencean notions of property, though of late would have been more proper and decorous loo the 'Leeds Spirituel,' if years better instruction has in many instances corrected this. The reso. they did not support the Bill, at least to have ::'.stained from attending. lotions of purely manufacturing towns may, therefbre, without taking That, by uniting their votes to those of the supporters of Corruption, front the weight xvideli fairly belongs to them, he looked on less as the and in opposition to the voice of the People, they must injure their utility expression of relisetion than of feeling—as arising out of their peculiarity as ministers of the Gospel ; and the meeting are cenviliceti that it would of cite= eneses rather than arrived at I;y any extended process of be greatly for the interests of religion, that hi questions entirely of a deduction. Esiin'eattli is neither a manufacturing nor an agricultural civil nature they should have no vote in the House of Lords.''—ncso- co:lin-11mi es. I c stands in the midst of an agricultural district, with httion. which it :Is; a very slight connexion. Its floating population consists of .L.'orlein—" As to the Bishops, we Scotsmen had a cemplete cure for the :lent.: ...nu) are too poor to partake of the expensive pleasures of that shameful sin. Let its show thein what John Knox did. It its Leedom :. it! oho must remain content with a winter of provincial en.. tell them of the Reformation. Let us give three hearty cheers fur both. .j )y: int- - eee constitute a very small part of the hundred and Let us give nine hearty wishes for a Jelin Knox immcdiately appearing ti ee, v tholisooe inhabitants of the Modern Athens. The mass of the in England and /rebind, and that will end the sin awl shene. of the sys- 1 ,■;'7:..':.:71 eir;• ; ,: i of four classes,—latTers. NvIlinn the Supreme Court tern."—Seccee en Mr. Wallace. n.!i 7: i'lll y (.011:;', Y. 'i2: ; literary men, who are attracted by the Univer-
iernitorater—(' I am content to enjoy my own opinions in such mat- t's --', Sone elm-les of all kinds and ranhs, who are employed in
tors ; hut I do most unegnivosally declare my imjestioa to the connexion .,e,. ' :•.11 ;'orrirtments Of Government ; and shopkeepers and between Church and State, or what is called. an Establis;led lIcti:4ion, t • ::,,minus caused by the other three classes has na- l/ft.-Luse I think it injurious to the best interest-3 of the conntry. 1 say . Thus, Edinburgh consists almost entirely of an arti- ain a well-constituted government, conducted by able and upright 1-4‘117:71.7';i1-i: 1 I aristocracy, and their immediate dependents. It ministern needs in) such adjunct : it must be a had government that re- inn:gine a place in whidi there existed less of the 4;111.es such nipping. On the other hand, true religion is degraded by eloi;17'; utir,n than in a town so constituted. To the intelli-
nell a conneHeo, tool :-.oierr ;;; oo laws to clifoxe the purity of its doe- :-11eformers Ire could net offer a more con \diming proof , .0 r.a. Ilt-Inrm, and of the necessity of yielding to it,
11;o. ; a little touch at the:n. If tes - • - ms feelings of such a society as Edinburgh.
fhese ee e n. Li 1 :•: Ise t e :..)11i .2rii.. ati thi'y :try to the temporal of Edinburgh is the voice of a well-informed
comerns of ;7;:• io : - . that hear them. I hope they are p;• , ;..e nature of things. disinclnied to change, and until
setting their Inut . r. Good sling ilseskialt get fifteen years le: e% es from it : it is the voice of a people whom no valded to his tLiv, 10 : .10;ise in order. Lot not our 1..;:bliops ci;ittlt „•..:1:■1 iniluence in fevour of Reform, but whom en so beet a war, , s se"--ete tee of ileinie s'ell:tete , e r.E se::''-interest has for many years been employcql to dis-
Ttl:PO--•" By o. Teen lintel : ee People been denteeled ? By whom ion :. : lestiv, the expression has not bey!' elicited under the ex-
the itorouglenonet es. end their allies the Ilisimps :- .:nil wliat a time '.1',:n., ,.... eleetion struggle—there has been neither passion nor thee had chosen for their wise and moral purpose !--a time when the •:.;1 to call it forth. Edinbur:.7.h may, in a \cord, be looked 2,klairs were ant thing- hat popular throughout the. kingdom, and whenmi s o the laneureee of the whole united intelligence and re-
fee Chamter of Ingutties in 0 neighlentrine country wure actually sp,..7ct.'!. y :1' Scotland ; and not of Scotlaed only, but of the entire rea- ;11, ,,.4%21,11c:•!--31,.. Pelee., SpereL. There hove been corny meetings in Edinburgh before that of last
artede. Did King John grant the Magna Charta with a good-will, any more than the Lords will now grant our demands ?—No. In 1688, did King James leave the throne with good-will ?--No. And yet on these two great points hang all our constitutional liberties."
Mr. Prentice spoke, as naturally fell to his part, of the stagnation of trade, which the delay of the Bill had caused ; and of the Bishops, who must look for no quarter from our Presbyterian brethren. " Is there one here who is not sorrowful, that the distress which delay has already occasioned will be prolonged and increased ( Cries of ' None, none !'), or is there one here who believes that the stagnation which has for months existed in every branch of trade will cease, and that business will assume a more lively turn, and the question of Reform unsettled ? (Cries of Arot one, not one !') No—while it remains so, distress will continue— it will increase, and thousands will be &tile added to the immense masses of men without employment. Can we witness all this without being disappointed at the present frustration of our hopes—without being sorrowful in the contemplation of such distress—without being indig- nant at the cause ? But are we to rest under this ? are we to hang our harps on the willows, and weep out the remainder of our term ? Heaven forbid. Though disappointed, we are not in despair ; though sorrowful, we are not enervated ; though indignant, our indignation will not drive us to desperate and unavailing violence. No: these feelings have wrought together for our good, and produced in us a firm, a determined, an un- changeable resolution to effect our purpose. The emotions excited by the loss of the Bill are mingled with surprise. We wonder that in so august an assembly, a party of men so blind, self-willed, and infatuated, that to preserve to themselves the possession of illegally acquired privi- leges, would peril the stability of the Throne, the existence of the Order to which they belong, and the peace of the country. If our surprise and our grief has been excited by the conduct of the Opposition Lords gene- rally, no inconsiderable portion is due to one branch—the Bishops. These right reverend fathers in God—these apostles of peace—these successors to the fishermen of Galilee—these men detest revolution : but what a change is here !—their predecessors, when sent forth to preach, were enjoined to take nothing for their journey, neither staves, nor szTip, nor bread, nor money, neither were they to have inure than one coat. Yet, under the ministration of men so instructed, we have the must authentic inM',)rmation that the church grew, and that it flou- rished. Nov we have their successors clothed in fine linen—faring sumptuously every day—exalted unto legislators of the highest order, sitting in judgment on temporal things in the highest court of the king. dom, plunging by their decisions the country into misery and distress." Mr. Ayton is much less ceremonious with the Lords than Mr. Pren- tice—perhaps because he knows them better.—" I give warning to their -Lordships, that should the Bill be rejected by them a second time, . the efforts of the Nation—the constitutional efforts, I mean—the meetings, the petitions, the resolutions of the People, will be directed, not to ob- tain a Reform of the House of Commons, but to obtain a Reform of the House of Lords—a Radical Reform—a Reform by which many of their Lordships may find themselves included in Schedule A."
This is alarming, but it is difficult to deny the force of the argument which follows :- " For if we cannot obtain a Reform in our own House, on account of the obstacles opposed by the selfish obstinacy of the Peers, why, we must begin with that branch of the Legislature which stands in the way of our liberties ; and the conduct of the Peers, in so actively interposing betwixt the wishes of the People in their own House, with the repre. .sentation of which they have no right to meddle, forms a sufficient pre- cedent for the people intermeddling with theirs." Neither Mr. Ayton nor his auditors are mere thick-andthin minis- terialists. The sentiments of the meeting differ from the snug meetings of the Whigs as much in independence as boldness. " I, in common with the country, feel confidence in the good intentions of Ministers. I think it must be admitted that the Nation owes them a debt of gra- titude for having introduced so efficient a plan of Reform—a Reform which has united in the common cause all classes of Reformers. But while I admit so much, I must be allowed to say that I have been dis- appointed with the want of vigour and decision of the Ministers—with their foolish attempts to conciliate the Tories—to conciliate those who would not be conciliated—with allowing the enemies of their country to retain their offices—and with their neglecting their tried friends. And I must say, that I do not think, that, on the last great occasion, Lord Grey acted in that firm manner which was to be expected from his high reputation. lie ought, I conceive, to have stated in his place in Parlia- ment, If this Bill be rejected to-night, I will to-morrow either obtain the consent of his Majesty to create the required number of Peers, or I will resign, and give you, my Lords of the opposition, an opportunity to form a Government that will satisfy the People.' Had the Prime Mi- nister followed this bold and manly conduct, I feel convinced that the Bill would at this moment have been going through the Committee of the House of Lords. The Boroughmongering Peers would never have ventured, under such an alternative, to have rejected it."
We confess we hardly think they would.
Mr. Tait, being a man of business, goes to work as a tradesman ought to do. He says to the Ministers—" Your path is plain. A bill, of at least as extensive a nature as the one which has been lost, should be instantly prepared ; Parliament should be prorogued for only a very short space. If there be any doubt of the new bill being carried trium- phantly through the House of Lords, a creation of Peers, to any number that may be deemed requisite, should take place ; and the bill should be pushed through both Houses of Parliament, beginning with the Upper House, with as much speed as the forms will permit. -These," he adds, " I believe, are the sentiments of this meeting, and the sentiments of -nearly the whole people of Scotland. In the mean time, while Ministers are showing a firm front, and are pursuing these energetic steps with all possible expedition, they may renew, with better auspices, those attempts to conciliate the honest enemies of Reform, which have hitherto proved :so signally abortive, so much worse than useless. But with the faction let there be no compromise. A compromise has been already rejected by that insane faction. The Bill which has been lost was in reality a com- promise ; for under it millions of those skilful, industrious, and virtuous .artisans, who constitute the strength of this nation, were shut out from -a vote at the election of the men who are to impose upon them taxes and military services."
Mr. Jameson said—"He did not wish the Peers degraded, if, indeed, they could be more degraded than they were on that fatal Saturday morning. He wished to support the Peerage, not on account of the selfish faction who had almost justified the epithet of intruders, seeing that, as enemies, they had put their order in sneh fearful collision with the People ; not on account of the more selfish Prelates, who, like pam-
pered creatures, bad basely bit at the hands that fed them so lavishly; not for their sakes, but for the sake of the real Aristocracy, the high
hereditary magnates and chieftains of the People, who, born in affluence
and nursed in luxury, had found it a sweeter luxury to sympathize with their less fortunate brethren—who, above all, succeeding quietly to the usurpations of their ancestors, had, with a generosity rarele paralleled,
used these usurpations but to destroy usurpation, and restore to the People their own. But if the majority of that House, still wilfully
blind, would not see that, from the firmness of the demands of a universal people, it would be fatal to refuse, and from their moderation perfectly safe to grant them, then, in God's name, let the Aristocracy be relit-
forced by those who have always divided with them the People's respect ;
let the men of wealth and power and probity. men bearing. the stamp of nobility, and only waiting till the patents be signed, let them go—crowd, if necessary, into the 'louse of Peers to support their brethren, and there, on that high vantage-ground, renew the fight they had so nobly maintained below."
Mr. Biggar observed, that " the enemies of Reform have taken upon them to state that none but those whom they are pleased to call the lower orders of society, who, having; nothing to lose, but every thing to gain, earnestly desire and long- for revolution. While I notice this libel upon the industrious and productive portion of the c■eninunity, I can only pity the =hors of it fir their ignorauce, and the propagators of it for their foolish views. What could they gain ? V.-hat have they not to lose ? Do they not know that, in the event of the unhappy catas- trophe of a revolution, their labour, little as it is reptired and remune- rated at present, would be still less so ? Is not their skill their capital' —their workmanship their income ?—and could the wealthiest snail lose more ? Have they slot a character to sustain before time world ? and is not that character as valuable to them as the property ymalimieation is to a member of Parliament ? Are not time wages of their dahy toil as ne- cessary and as important to them as a per ceutage is to a stock-jobber, and annual rents to the land-(eyner ?"
We can spare but one extract more, and but a short one, from Mr. Brodie's short address in returning dunks. " The people either were- entitled to what their ancestors bad—a representation in Parliament—or they were not. Did their enemies deny that such a representation ex- isted ?—No. They told them that they had it, and that it was necessary, and, to a certain extent, they should still have it ; but that it was equally necessary that the delegates of the People should be balanced by another set of men, viz. the nominees of Boroug,hmongers. Balanced ! What did they mean by the term ? If they would have a metaphor, says Jeremy Bentham, know this, that a machine equally balanced stands still. Either the delegates of the People or the nominees of the Borough- mongers must prevail, or business could not be carried on Which, then, was to have the ascendancy ? The party of the delegates ? Then their argument falls at once to the ground, the very thing which they affected to deprecate hieing really done. If the Boroughmongers prevailed in the Commons' House, of what value would be the Delegates ?—Of no value whatever. The people were accused of ignorance : were they less ac- quainted with the affairs of this country than the Nabob of Arcot and the trustees of Sir John Lowther Johnstone ? "
GLASGOW.—The working classes of Glasgow have at length moved: A meeting which, notwithstanding the pitiless downpouring of a ceaseless rain, was attended by thirty thousand individuals, took place on the Green on Tuesday. A waggon served for the hustings. The assemblage consisted entirely of Lanarkshire operatives. The first resolution—a strolig one—was moved by a Mr. F. Stewart, from Clyde Bank. It was—" That the House of Commons,having virtually declared i tself unconstitutionally formed, can no longer consistently exercise legislative functions' grant supplies to Government, or impose taxes on the nation" Mr. J. Macdonald, in moving the second resolution—" That the rejection of the Bill wee an act dangerous to the safety of the state, calculated to tear asunder the • bonds of society, and goad on an exasperated people to acts of tumult and revolution "—asked, " what could be said of the Bishops, who pro- fessed to be servants of Him who had not where to lay his head, amd who were luxuriating in affluence wrung from the sweat of our brows ? They professed to be the messengers of peace, but they had done all in their power to light up the torch of discord, and to divide a brave and peaceable people. On those girdles where Holiness to the Lord' ought to have been inscribed, they, with their own hands, had written Icha. bod,' the glory is departed." The poor Bishops ! what a pitiless pelting that vote has cost them ! The meeting was conducted with the utmost order and regularity. The only bit of noisy display was the dragging of the waggon in which the members of Committee were seated, through the principal streets, greatly to the amazement of the graver burghers.