2 APRIL 1853, Page 14

CAMPBELL'S INDIA AS IT MAY BE..

THE general " idea," and very often the particular suggestions of Mr. George Campbell's proposal for the reconstitution and im- provement of the Government of India, exhibit a large knowledge of the facts of his subject, and what is more to the purpose, a mind that has meditated much upon the facts. The broad principles of Mr. Campbell's plan are so extended by local suggestions, connected 'with the district government of India and its "services," that they are almost overwhelmed in a mass of secondary propositions; or they are so encumbered by working details, often of a minute, sometimes of a crotchety, and occasionally of an almost ludicrous character, that aproject-like air is imparted to the whole. This defect in treat- ment is the more unfortunate, inasmuch as the essential idea of his plan is well worth consideration. To understand his reform, how- ever, we must first of all have a clear idea of the thing to be re- formed.

The administration of India is ostensibly lodged in the hands of four-and-twenty " promiscuous " gentlemen, chosen by the proprie- tors of India stock, and called Directors. A control is exercised over them to so stringent a degree by the Crown, through the agency of the Board of Control, (whose President is a Cabinet Minister, and whose Secretaries are members of the Government and generally Members of Parliament,) that the East India Direct- ors have about as much to do with the real government of India as the types with which a book is printed have to do with its composition. What in speaking of the Colonies are called Impe- rial matters—that is external relations and war—are not only re- moved from the control of the Board of Directors, but even from their knowledge. If the President of the Board of Control thinks fit he sends and receives despatches through a Secret Committee of three Directors, "who have not even the power of remonstrance"; and the Indian Governors—in theory the absolute creatures orthe Company—may send despatches in like manner. "It appears that this power of the Board has been very freely exercised. The Affghan war, the occupation of Scinde, the Burmese war, are all sub- jects in which the Court of Directors had no opportunity of interfering; and they have even been kept for years without information on matters in the secret department, or have been indebted for it, in common with the rest of the public, to Parliamentary blue-books. On these subjects the President of the Board is constitutionally just as absolute as the Colonial Minister or the Commander-in-chief of the army in their respective departments, and in practice a great deal more so, from the much smaller amount of knowledge and interest acting on public opinion in this country in regard to Indian affairs, and from the secrecy of his proceedings."

In the internal government of India the Directors have as little realpower as in what may be called foreign affairs. Everything is carried on by means of written directions (despatches); which gene- rally originate with the Company, but which the Board of Control can alter as it pleases, or forbid the despatch, or write another, and compel the Directors to send it, or recall it after it is written, or do anything else. The President if he pleases is as absolute over the Directors as Louis Napoleon over his Senate; and his despotism is not always theoretical. "We have the authority of an ex- President for saying, that he never consulted even Sir Robert Peel when that great man was at the head of the Government. The same high authority informs us that he would not consult the Chairman or any Director rather than any other individuals in the kingdom on account of their filling those offices. If he wanted advice, he would go to the person he thought most competent, in or out of office."

In practice, however, much if not the whole of the mere routine of government and minor matters is left to the Directors. They also possess, individually, all patronage except the highest ; which patronage is divided amongst them as their private property. The appointments to the higher posts really belong to the Ministry, though sometimes formally vested in the Directors; • but the Di- rectors possess a power of absolute recall (as does the Board of Control) • the exercise of which every one remembers in the ease of Lord Ellenborough. The mode in which the home business is carried on is cumber- some and roundabout,—that is, such business as the Directors are permitted to engage in. It is the usual practice for them to ini- tiate matters by means of a draft despatch, which is submitted to the Board of Control. This draft is not only formally approved or negatived, but revised and returned. It may then be debated or discussed by the Directors ; but as they have no power of enforcing their opinions it is believed that they generally sub- mit quietly, when nothing important is in question ; for remon- strance or opposition would only produce delay. How much needless labour this produces, how ridiculous the practice appears in itself, and what ridiculous proceedings it may give rise to in the hands of subordinates, is well shown by Mr. Campbell.

"It appears that nearly one-half of the previous communications (in- cluding, probably, most of the long and important despatches) are more or less altered by the Board of Control ; but a large proportion of these altera-

tions are said to be of a verbal and unimportant character. • * * "While there is seldom material difference of opinion between the Presi- dent and the Court, nearly one-half of the previous communications are more or less altered in details, or what are called verbal alterations are made. Now, by whom are these petty and verbal alterations made, and what are they ? A Cabinet Minister need hardly be employed to correct the grammar of the Court of Directors. That respectable body can either write English themselves or pay some one else to write it for them. Still we may assume that the Minister can generally write better English than the Directors; and being qualified to correct their composition no great harm would come from verbal alterations made by him. But is this the real nature of the altera- tions"; or is it the ease that the clerks of the Board of Control are permitted to use their pens upon and alter the details of the drafts emanating from the

• India as it May Be: an Outline of a Proposed Government and Policy. By George Campbell, Author of "Modern India." Published by Murray. India House ? If it is so, I should say that the practice is an exceedingly bad one, and very unfair to the Directors. The fact is, that some system of previous communication is probably under present arrangements necessary, in order to avoid jarring and official complications; but the result of the present method must be to give to the Board a power over details not in- tended by the law. It is one thing to draw a pen through a sentence here und write another there in a previous communication, and another officially to alter a despatch for reasons assigned. Yet the Court may find it easier and more expedient to submit to the one in fifty than to let it come to the other in ten out of a hundred cases. Here is a specimen of the kind of inter- ference exercised. The Governor-General in Council lately applied to the Court of Directors for two dozens of Bramah's patent locks for his offices. The Court proposed to grant the same. Remark by Clerk of Board of Con- trol—' I think one dozen and a half would be quite enough.' Order altered to one dozen and a half. Such is the story as told to me."

Such are the principles of the Indian Government as carried on in London. In India, two great defects of principle, quite apart from forms, measures, or persons, are apparent. The Governments are not dependent, yet not independent : Madras and Bombay are nominally under Bengal and the Governor-General, yet are also in many things free from control, and communicate independently with the Court of Directors. The delays in communicating with London and getting a reply are often considerable ; though on the most important an action sometimes takes place without reference.

The cause of these evils was twofold. The Indian evils grew up gradually. The system of isolated trading factories still lurks under the Government of the empire of the Great Mogul. The home complication was forced upon Pitt. Having turned out the Coalition Ministry upon their India Bill, and excited the King and people by a terror of the irresistible power of a Ministry which possessed the patronage and government of India, he was com- pelled to disguise the retention of the real authority as best he might. This, however, he did so effectually by his double Boards of Directors and Control, with the double or single veto of the latter, that the Directors, it is said, were actually imposed upon, and lancied themselves as autocratic as they looked. There is a story, that soon after the bill was passed, they pressed a candidate in opposition to the Minister's man, and even intimated to Dundas, then President, that they would send him. "You may send him to India, if you like," was the reply; "but as soon as he gets there I will order him back."

The essence of Mr. Campbell's proposed reform is to combine the action or powers of the President of the Board of Control and the Board of Directors, so as to compel the President to debate questions and receive advice; but leaving him still the power of acting on his own opinion if countersigned by the Premier and two Secretaries of State. opinion, advantage of this change would be to elicit the advice (under an improved Board of Directors) of men -who had a knowledge of India or Indian affairs, to interpose some check upon the President's proceedings, and to secure greater re- sponsibility. The mode of effecting the proposed change is pur- sued in great detail ; rarely with, as it seems to us, any striking suggestion, while forms of little import are raised into undue pro- minence. For example, it matters little beyond some saving in clerkly labour,' whether the Board of Control is continued in Can- non Row or removed to Leadenhall Street, if the President be obli- ged to hold consultative sittings with the Directors; and if he be not, the locality whence he puts aside their existence is of very little consequence. The three great working changes are. 1. The number of Directors elected by the proprietors of India stock should be reduced ; the constituency, if practicable' extended ; the Directors should be dubbed "Senators," and form a Senate. In order to make up the full number of Senators, certain retired

• ex-officio or certificated Indian officers should form a class from virtu= the Crown would present individuals to the Senate for re- e,eption. 2. The "Senate," as its name implies, would be a consultative and deliberative body; of which the Indian Minister, the present head of the Board of Control, should be the ex-officio President. The Minister might remove any question from the full Senate to a Secret Committee ; of which he should also be ex-officio Presi- dent. In cases of final difference, the present really absohite power of the Minister would be retained, provided he procured the formal assent of his three most important colleagues.

3. The patronage of the Senate collectively would be only one -third of that held by the present Directors individually. Another third would be assigned to Government. About the remainder Mr. Campbell has not quite made up his mind ; but he seems inclined to introduce the principle of purchase into the military service. He proposes that all candidates should be subjected to a much more stringent training and examination than at present. By so con- siderably lessening the patronage of the Senators, he considers that the low motives which lead the present Directors to aspire to the office and the corrupt acts by which they seek it, would be re- moved. In transferring a part of the patronage directly to Go- vernment, he thinks another if not a better class would be intro- duced into the services. Mr. Campbell is also of opinion that the Government would distribute its patronage quite as well as the present Directors do.

The essential principle of the proposed change in the Indian Government is to render the Governor-General supreme over all the subordinate governments. There would no longer be divided or doubtful authority, and no communication with England but from the Supreme Government. The secondary though important changes are also considerable. Mr. Campbell proposes to abolish the Councillors and Secretaries who now form the Governor-Gene- ral's staff of government, and replace them by a series of Ministers of departments : these Ministers, with an addition or two, to form a sort of Cabinet Council; but the Governor-General still to pos-

seas the power of acting on his own opinion in spite of his Conneil, stating his reasons in writing. Mr. Campbell would also have a reconstitution of the territorial governments of India proportionate to our increase of territory. 1. Bengal, 2. Madras, Old. 3. Bombay, 4. Hindostan, 5. Indus. New to a great extent.

He would subject the native states who are supposed to be inde- pendent, but are really ruled by our " residents," to a uniform sys- tem; and place a regular Minister at the head of the department. For objects both sanitary and central, he would remove the seat of government from Calcutta to Mussorie, a spot at once healthy and defensible, lying, to the North-west of Delhi in a spur of the Himalayas, in North latitude 3010 and 78° of East longitude. In Mr. Campbell's volume, the modes of giving effect to his prin- ciples for the government of India are exhibited in considerable minuteness of detail. He also enters into the administration and economy of the executive government, and very fully into the sub- ject of the various services. Part of these views or suggestions have already appeared in Modern India ; and they all either refer to the administration of government, apart from the principles on which it is established, or enter upon subordinate particulars, 'which, however important in actual affairs, are not questions upon which the settlement of the future government will depend.